Saba Oromoo fi Sirna Gadaa (The history of the Oromo nation and the Gadaa System)

Saba Oromoo Fi Sirna Gadaa

Dhibbaa alagaa bitamuu waggaa dhibbaa Oromoo irra turuurraa kan ka’e hedduun ummata Oromoo har’a Oromummaa isaa haa beeku malee, seenaa ummanni kun keessa dabree as ga’e ragaa qorannoon deggaramee barreeyfame irraa wanti inni hubatu baay’ee xiqqaadha.
Ammaas tanaan seenaa ummaata guddaa kanaa guutumatti barreeyfamee jira jachuu utuu hin ta’in gaaffiilee Oromoon tokko ofgaafatuufiis tahee, seenaa dharaa diinni Oromoo irratti odeessuuf deebii ga’aa ni taha waan jedhamuuf; kunoo seenaa Oromoo kan sab-boontoota ilmaan Oromootiin haala rakkisaa keessaaa barreeyfamee, akka ummaata keenya gargaaruuf asirratti maxxansine. Nuti maxxansitootni kan keessa qabnu gulaala dogongora qubee dabree dabree mul’atuufi maxxansaa qofa malee, qophiin isaa kan sab-boontoota ilmaan Oromoo tahuu isaa osoo hin hubachiisne bira hin tarru.

Barbaachisummaan barreeyfama kanaa bal’inaan seenaa irratti waan kaa’amee jiruuf, Oromoon ani eenyu? Maddi koo eessa? Daangaan koo eessa? Firaafii diinni koo eenyu kan jedhu hundi haala gahaatiin deebii quubsaa akka argachuu dandayu shakkii hin qabnu.

Sirna gadaa

Hamma kiyyoo kolonii jala hin seeniniti Oromoon sirna ittiin bulan kan mataa isaanii qabau turan. Maqaan sirna kanaas Gadaa jedhama. Sirni kuniis bal’aa ture. Dhimma jireenya ummata Oromoo fuula hundaan kan ilaalu sirna siyaasa, aada diinagdeefi amantiiti. Sirna hawaasaa guutuu ture jechuudha. Sirni Gadaa sirnaafi seera Oromoonni ittiin walbulchu, kan duulee roorroo ofirraa ittisu, kan dinagdee isaa ittiin tikfatuufi dagaagfatu, akkaata inni itti waliin jiraatuufi kan hawwiin dhala Oromoo cufa ittiin guutu ture.

Sirn kun haala Oromoonni tokkummaan isaanii laaffate kan itti roorrisaa turan Habashaafi Affaar ofirraa deebisuu dadhabe keessatti, haala hawaasaa ilaalerraa, jaarraa 14ffaa keessa biqiluu jalqabee suuta guddatee deeme. Oromoota sirna akkasii jalatti qindeessuudhaaf yeroo dheeraa fudhate. Oromoota gosatti hiraman walitti fidanii sirna tokko jalatti walitti qabuun kufaatiifi ka’uumsaa yeroo dheeraa gaafate. Gara walakkaa jaarraa 15faa isa lammaffaa keessa sirna gutuun argamuu dandaye.

Akkaata himamsa aadaa Boorana kibbaa keessatti yeroon itti Gadaan dhaabbate kanumaan walkipha. Akka mangoddoonni Booranaa himanitti Gadaa jaaruuf yaalii dheeraan eega godhame booda, Gadaan yeroo dheeraaf bifa hojechuu dandayu dhaabbate. Gadaa kanatti Abbaan Gadaa Gadayyoo Galgaloo ture. Raabni isaa (yeroosii) Yaayyaa Gulleelee jedhama ture. Eega gaafasii jalqabee Booranni Abbootii Gadaa 61 lakkaawa. Kanarraa waggaa saddeet saddeetiin yoo herrgne (Gadaan tokko waggaa 8) 61X8 = 488 taha. Eega Gadaan ijaarame, akka himamsa manguddootti Booranatti waggaa 488 taha jechuudha. Barri isaa 1499tti dhihaata. Kanaaf, sirni kun ijaaramuun isaa walakkaa jaarraa 15ffaa isa lammaffaa keessa kan jedhame dhugaa taha.

Sirna Gadaa keessatti wanni hundi gadaan walilaala. Lakkooysi yeroo, aadaan, amantiin, jireenyi hawaasaa, ittisi biyyaafi kkf hundi hidhata Gadaa qabu, fakkeenyaaf sadarkaalee Gadaa, goggeessa Gadaa, abaluu abaluu..jiru. kun, eegaa Gadaan sirna kabajamaafi guutuu akka ture mirkanessa.

Bara itti Gadaan sirna gutuu ture sana akka silaa tahutti galmeessuun hindandaymane. Hammi galmeeyfame baay’ee yaraadha. Sana keessaahillee irra guddaan kan baroota dhihooti. Waa’een isaa hammi beekamu baay’ee yaraadha. Guddinaan odeeffannoon argaman oduu afaaniin kan daddabraniidha. Isaaniis bakka bakkati garagar tahu. Sunillee Gadaan Caffe Caffetti deebi’uu haa agarsiisu malee, tokkummaa sirna kanaaf ragaa kan tahu haftee sirna kan Gadaa Booranaa har’aalee haga taheefuu hojjataa jiruudha. Kanaaf, waa’ee sirna Gadaarratti hangi hubatame xiqqaadha. Waliigalatti sirna kana caalatti hubachuudhaaf qormaata cimaa sirna Gadaa kan mul’isan armaan gaditti ilaalla.

uunkaa jereenya hawaasaa
siyaasaa sirna Gadaa
aadaa sirna gadaa
amantii sirna gadaa
1. Uunkaa jireenya hawaasaa

Hawaasa keessatti dhalli namaa kophaa hinjiraatu. Kophaas hindalagu. Namoota biraa wajji jiraata, hojjataas. Jireenyi dhala namaa walitti hidhaataadha. Hawaasa Oromoo bara Gadaa keessaa yoo fudhannee akkaataa jiruufii jireenya Oromoo, akkaataa qoodama dalagaa, hariiroo ummanni Oromoo hawaasa keessatti waliinqabau, sirna Gadaa keessatti qaama tokko. Akkaataan polotikaa sirnichaas uunkaa jireenyya hawaasa Oromootti hidhamee jira.

Uunkaa jireenya hawaasa sirna Gadaa keessaa hubachuuf waan kanaa gadii hubachuun barbaachisaadha. Suniis:

a. Goggeessa Gadaa (Miseensaa) fi Marsaa Gadaa

b. Hiriyyaa

c. Ilmaan jaarsaafii ilmaan Kormaa

d. Sadarkaalee Gadaafi Murnoota Gadaa

a. Gaggeessa Gadaa(miseensa) fi Marsaa Gadaa:

Gadaan tokko waggaa saddeet qaba. Waggaa saddeettan waliin GADAA TOKKOTTI YEROO ITTI AANGOON polotikaa warra Gadaa tokko harka jiraatuudha. Kanaaf, Gadaan waggaa saddeet saddeetiin lakkaawama. Waljijjiiraas. Waggaan saddeettan Gadaa tokko maqaa mataa isaa qabaata. Gadaa tokkicha maqaa adda addaa qabaatu. Kun Goggeessa Gadaa ykn miseensa jedhamee waamama. Kun hawaasa Oromoo keessaa, bakka gargaraatti maqaa adda addaa qabata. Jechuun:-

Boorana keessatti- Goggeessa Gadaa jedhama.

Tuulama keessatti- Miseensa jedhama.

Arsii keessatti- Miseensa jedhama.

Gujii keessatti-Baallii jedhama.

Ituu keessatti-Miseensa jedhama.

Qormaata Gadaa Oromoo bakka bakkaarratti godhameen lakkooysi Goggeessa gadaa bakka heddutti shan. Kan kanarraa adda tahees nijiraa. Fakkeenyaaf Boorana keessatti Goggeessa Gadaa torba qabaatu jira. Maqaan isaaniifi tartiibni isaaniia kopha kophaafi beekamaadha. Hoggaa Goggeessi Gadaa jiran tartiibaan deemanii raaw’atan gara isa jalqabaatti deebi’uudhaan marsaa tokko tahu. Goggeessi Gadaa tokko bakka heddutti waggaa 40 booda malee, hin deebi’u. Fakkeenyaaf Ituu keessatti Goggeessi Gadaa (missensi) jiran, Hormaata, Sabbaaqa, Dibbeessa, Fadataafi Daraaraadha. Kanneen tariiba maqaa Gadaawwan waggaa saddeet saddeetiin deeman tahanii Daraaraan gaafa raaw’ate Hormaatatti deebi’a jechuudha. Yeroon kun itti raaw’atee deebi’ee marsuuf naannawuu marsaa Gadaa tokko taha. Marsaan Gadaa tokkoo waggaa 40 qabaata. Goggeessi Gadaa shanan, walitti marsaa Gadaa shanan jalqabarraa ka’anii tartiibaan deemanii xumuramanii marsuuf gara isa jalqabaatti kan deebi’an kun “marsaa Gadaa(Gadaa cycle)” jedhama.

Yeroo idiletti laalamu jireenya nam tokkoo keessatti, Marsaa Gadaa lamaatu jira. Isaaniis, Marsaan duraa Gadaa abbaa yeroo tahu, inni lammaffaa Gadaa ilmaati. Ilmi Marsaa tokko fixee, Gadaan isaa kan abbaa tahe, kan itti aanu kan ilmaan isaa taha jechuudha. Akkuma kanatti itti fufee dabra.

Eega, bakka heddutti Marsaan Gadaa waggaa 40 akka qabaatu olitti ilaalleerra. Arsii keessatti miseensi Gadaa tokko waggaa 16 waan qabuuf kanarraa adda. Kanarraa Marsaan Gadaa Arsii keessatti waggaa 80 taha jechuudha.dagaagina keessaa Gadaan eega Caffetti qoodamee, as lakkooysifi maqaan Goggeessota Gadaa Marsaa Gadaa tokko keessa jiranii bakka adda addaa tahuun mul’ateera. Kanaas, qabsiisuuf armaa gaditti mee haa ilaallu. Maqaan Goggeessota Gadaa bakka garagaraatti:-

Goggeessa Gadaafi Marsaan Gadaa waan hiriyymummaafi aangoo polotika ilaaluun hariiroo murteessa qabu. Sanaas bal’inaan booda laalla.

B. Hiriyyaa:-

Hiriyyaan warra goggeessi Gadaa isaanii tokko taheedha. Kana jechuuniis hawaasa Oormoo keessatti warrii waggaa Gadaa keessatti dhalatan hundiifi kan maqaan Goggeessa Gadaa isaanii yoo dulloomoo tahanillee wal’irraa bu’ee yookaa tokko tahee hiriyyaadha. Ijoolleen waggaa Gadaa 1-8 jidduufi gaheeyyiin waggaa Gadaa 45-56 jidduu yoo Goggeessi Gadaa isaanii tokko tahe hiriyyaa tokko jedhamu. Marsaan Gadaa naannawutti walitti fidee ijoolleefi jaarsoolii hiriyyaa taasisaa. Marsaan Gadaafi Goggeessi Gadaa akkanatti hiriyyummaa murteessu. Hawaasa Oromoo keessatti hiriyyaan akka obbaleeyyaniitti wal’ilaalu. Ayyaana gurguddaafi beekamoorratti hiriyyaan wal argee waliin turuudhaan walfaarsa. Jaalalti walii, walamanuun, waliif dhimmuun, walgargaaruunÃƒÆ’Ã‚Â¢ÃƒÂ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚Â¬Ãƒâ€šÃ‚Â¦kkf hiriyyaa biratti jabaadha. Aangoo polotikaa keessatti paartii tokko tahu.

Kanaf, hiriyyummaan karaa hawaassfi polotikaa Oromootaa walitti hidhuudha. Waa’een hiriyyaa hoggaa akkas tahu, ijoolleefi ga’eessoota maaltu walitti fidee hiriyyaa godha? Gaaffiin jedhu ka’uun nimala. Gaaffi kana deebisuuf, nama Goggeessa Gadaa isaatiin Gadaa keenya jedha. Gadaa isaa faarsa, kabaja. Kanarraa akka ilaalcha polotikaa baraatti hubachuuf waan Paartii ilaaluun gaarii taha. Hawaasa keessatti paartiileen uumamtu turan jechuudha. Goggeessi Gadaa shanan paartiilee shan kan ijoolleefii manguddoota hiriyyaa godhuus paartii tokkicha waliin qabaachuudha.

c. Ilmaan kormaafi Ilmaan jaarsaa:

sirna Gadaa keessatti Ilmaan kormaafi Ilmaan Jaarsaa qoodameef beekama. Kan hawaasa bakka lamatti qooduudha. Kun jireenya hawaasa Oromoo bara sirna Gadaa keesaatti akkaataa Qabannoo aangoo polotikaa kan murteessuudha. Warra aangoo polotikaa qabachuuf deemaniifi kanatti hawasa qooda. Kuniis, waggaa Gadaa wajjiin walitti hidhataadha. Carraan aangoo polotikaa keessaa qooda qabaachuufi dhiisuun isaa yeroo itti dhalaterratti hundeeyfama. Kanaaniis ilmaan Oromoo yeroo dhalatanirraa kaasee ilmaan kormaafi ilmaan Jaarsaatti qoodamu. Akkaataan qoodamaa kuniis, seera umamaa kan hordofu qaba.

Ijoolleen Abbootiin isaanii sadarkaalee Gadaa keessa seenanii yeroo isaan aangoo polotikaa qabachuttii dhihaatan ykn qabatan (gadooma keessa) dhalatan ” ilmaan kormaa” jedhamu. Isaaniis, bara Gadooma abbootii isaanii keessa (waggaa 40 abbootii isaanii eeganii) kan dhalatan waan tahaniif sadarkaa Gadaa keessa seenuudhaan miseensa paartii tahuu dandayan. Kanaaf aangoo polotikaa keessaa qooda fudhachuu dandayu.

Ilmaan Gadooma abbootii isaanii (aangoo polotikaa qabachuu) dura ykn booda dhalataniifi abbootiin sadarkaalee Gadaa seenuu hindandeenyerraa dhalatan hundi “ilmaan jaarsaa” jedhamu. Ilman jaarsaa warra sadarkaalee Gadaa seenanii miseensa paartii tahuu hindandeenyedha. Kanaafiis aangoo polotikaa keessaa warraa qooda fudhachuu hin dandeenyeedha. Ilmaan jaarsaa warra waliin dhalatan hundaan hiriyyaa tahuu dandayu, jechuun ilmaan kormaa wajjiinillee hiriyyaa walii tahuu dandayu.

Eega, hawaasa keessatti Gadoomuuf carraa kan qaban ilmaan kormaa thuu hubanne. Ilmaan kormaa gaafa dhalatanirraa kaasee sadarkaalee Gadaa seenanii akkuma gudachaa deemaniin dalagaa garagaraarratti dirqama polotikaafiis qophaawan. Kun dirqama isaaniiti. Ilmaan jaarsaa garuu, waa’een waan qoratamuufi baratamu hundaaf dirqamuun yoo hawaasicha keessa jiraachuu dandayuuf tahe malee, itti hin dirqaman. Ilmaan Oromoo akkanatti qoodamuun bakka heddutti mul’ate. Gadaa Boorana, Maccaa, Tuulamaafii Gujii keessatti qoodamni kun jira. Qoodamni yoo hinjiraanne tarii Gadaa Arsii, Ituufi Humbanna keessatii tahuu hin’oolu.

d. Sadarkaalee Gadaafi Murnoota Gadaa:

Akkaataa waggaa dhalootaatiin gurmuu ykn murni ilmaan kormaa tartiibaan keessa dabran sadarkaa Gadaa jedhama. Sadarkaan Gadaa maqaa gurmuu waggaa dhaloota ilmaan kormaati jechuudha. Gurmuu kanaan akkaataan jiruufi jireenya dhala Oromoo hundaatu keessatti murtaawa. Ilmaan kormaatu kormaatu keessa daddabran yoo tahellee, jirenya dhala Oromoo karaa polotikaa, amanti, aadaa, dinagdeefi waraanaafi kkf keessatti kan ilaalu addatti maqaa haaqabaatan malee akkaataan guddinaa, dalagaafii jireenyaa, kan ilmaan Jaarsaa wajjiin tokkuma. Karaa polotikaatiin garuu, garaagarummaa guddaatu jira. Tahullee sadarkaaleen Gadaa jiruuf jireenya dhala Oromoo mara calaqqisiisa. Sadarkaalee Gadaa garagaraakeessatti ilmaan Oromoo dirqama (dalagaa) adda addaatu isa eeggata. Yeroon isaas osoo hin gahinnillee waan beekamuuf sadarkaa itti aanuuf isa qopheessaa ture.

Sadarkaa Gadaa tokko waggaa saddeet qaba. Waggaa saddeet saddeettan kanaan namni Oromoo hamma gaafa dulloomee du’utti hawaasa keessatti bakkafi qoodama dalagaa qabaata. Sadarkaaleen Gadaa ilmaan kormaa keessa dabran bakka gariitti amala addaa yoo qabaatanillee waliigalatti akka armaa gadiitti keenya.

1. Dabballooma waggaa 0-8

2. Gaammoma waggaa 9- 16

3. Dargaggooma waggaa 17- 24

4. Kuusoma waggaa 25- 32

5. Raaboma waggaa 33 – 40

6. Gadooma waggaa 41- 48

7. Yubooma waggaa 49- 56

Gadaa Tuulamaa keessatti Gadoomni waggaa 32 – 40 gidduutii waan taheef kana yaadachiisuun barbaachisaadha. Armaa gaditti sadarkaalee Gadaa jiraniifi murnoota Gadaa isaanii laalla.

1. Dabballooma

Kun jecha dabballee jedhamu kan Gadaa Booranaarraa fudhatameedha. Ijoolleen dhiiraa Gadooma abbaa isaanii keessatti dhalatan Dabballee jedhamanii yaamaman. Ijoolleen kun waggaa saddeet hamma fixaanitti Dabballetti beekamu, Boorana keessatti Dabballee haa jedhaman malee, bakka biraatti maqaa biraa qabu. Fakkeenyyaaf:

a. Tuulam keessatti – Itti makoo jedhamu.

b. Ituu keessatti – maxxarrii jedhamu.

c. Gujii keessatti- Suluda jedhamu.

Sadarkaan Gadaa kun bakkayyuu waan jiruuf walitti qabatti Dabballoota jechuun hin badu. Dabballoomanii sadarkaa Gadaa isa dura ilmaan kormaa akka dhalataniin itti seenaniidha. Sadarkaa Gadaa kanatti ijoolleen hojii beekamaa hinqaban. Naannoo qa’ee turanii toohannoofi tajaajila guddaadhaan guddatan. Ilmaan kormaa sadarkaa kana:

a. Boorana keessatti ilmaan Dooriiwwaniifi warra Gadaati.

b. Tuulam keessatti Foollee jedhama

2. Gaammoma:-

jechi kun sadarkaa Gadaa Boornaa keessaa maqaa gaammee jedhamurraa kan fudhatameedha. Ilmaan kormaa sadrakaa Dabballoomaa fixan Gaammotti dabru. Waggaa 8 – 16tti akkaataa itti rifeensii isaanii qoramurraa yoo jedhame dhugaadharraa hin fagaatu. Ijoolleen dhiiraa sadarkaa Gammomaarra jiran:

a. Booran keessatti – Gaammee xixiqqoo jedhamu.

b. Tuulama keessatti – Dabballee jedhamu.

c. Gujii keessatti – Dabballee jedhamu.

d. Ituu keessatti – Ruuboo jedhamu.

Gaammoonni sadarkaa Gadaa yeroo itti ijoolleen jabbiilee tiksan, hojii warraarratti gargaaraniifi loon tiksaniidha. Dalagaa kanaafi kana fakkaatanitti haa bobbahan malee, sadarkaa kanatti tohannoo warraa ala hin bahan. Yeroo kanatti taphatanii caalatti walbaruu jalqabu.

1. Dargaggooma

Yeroo kana kan itti dargaggooman waan taheef, sadarkaa Gadaa kanaas bakka gargaraatti maqaa garagaraa waan qabuuf sadarkaa kanaan, Dargaggooma jedhama. Ilmaan kormaa sadarkaa lammaffaa fixanii waggaa 16 – 24 jidduu:

a. Booran keessatti – Gaammee Gurguddaa jedhamu

b. Tuulam keessatti – Foollee jedhamu.

c. Gujii keessatti – kuusa jedhamu.

d. Ituu keessatti – Goobam jedhamu.

Dargaggoomni sadarkaa itti namichi toohannoo warraarraa hillee walaba tahaa deemuufi warrarraa fgaatee soch’auu dandayuudha. Akkasumas, yeroo itti jabina, beekumsafi jagnummaa ofii mul’isuu jalqaabniidha. Jiruu dhufataa deemuudhaan yeroo itti ofdandayutti tarkaanfataniidha. Hawaasichaa bu’aa buusuufiis kan keessatti ofqophessu. Dalagaarratti bobbahanii, loon fagaatanii bobbaasuu, ol’aantoota isaanii wajjiin deddeemuu, adamoo bahuufi bineessoota loonirraa ittisuudha.

4. kuusoma

kuusomni sadrkaa loltummaati. Naannoo garagaraatti ilmaan kormaa sadrkaa kanaa adda addaa qabaatanillee Booran keessatti kuusa waan jedhamaniif kanarraa fudhannee kuusoma ittiin jenne.

Murni kun:-

a. Boorna keessatti – Kuusa jedhama.

b. Tuulama keessatti – Qondaala jedhama.

c. Gujii keessatti – Raaba jedhama.

d. Ituu keessatti Raaba jedhama.

Hawaasa Oromoo bara sirna gadaa keessatti, kun murna lolu ture. Waggaa 25 – 32 jidduu kan tahan dirqama loltummaa qabu. Namuu roorroo biyyarra geesse ittisuuf waan ittiin lolu- xiyyaas tahee, eeboofii gaachana mataa isaatii qopheeyfatee farda lolaas qabaate taha. Lolli argamnaan akka dhagayeen qophaawee walgurmeessee duula. Kanatti dabalee waan dhimma biyyaa ilaalan yeroo kanaa kaasee qorachuu dandaya. Sadarkaan kun, Tuulamaafi Ituu keessatti yeroo itti ilmaan kormaa aangoo qabachuuf ofqophessan, sadarkaa 4ffaa tahuudhaanifi dirqama loltummaa qabaachuudhaan tokko yoo tahan kaanirraa kanaan adda bahu.

1. Doorama

Bakka heddutti sadarkaa itti aangoo qabachuudhaaf ilmaan kormaa qophii barbaachisaa godhaniidha. Yeroo kana keessatti dhimma biyya, bulchiinsa, sera, aadaa, amantiifi seena dabre baratu. Waa’ee sirna Gadaa caalatti hubachuu dandayu. Haalli isaanii warra biyya bulchuu ykn qondaaloota Gadaa wajjiin walitti hidhataadha. Bakka warrii Gadaa itti murtii seeraa kennan, dubbii gosaa ilaalanfi marii godhanitti argamanii irraa baratu. Bakka aadaafi amantiitti argamanii sirna qalbifatu. Caffee yaa’ii Gadaarratti argamanii murtii kennuudhaan hojiidhaan ofqaru. Hayyoonniifi manguddoonni biyyaarraa qoratanii barachuudhaan beekumsa isaanii bal’ifatu. Biyya keessa sossohanii ummataan walbaruu, akkanatti aangoo polotikaaf ofqopheessu jechuudha.

Sadarkaan kun, Tuulamafi Ituu keessatti isa afraffaadha. Ilma kormaa sadarkaa kanaa, akkamu asii olitti kaa’ametti Tuulama keessatti qondaala, Ituu keessatti Raba jedhamu. Sadarkaan Gadooma isaanii waggaa 32- 40 jiddutti waan tahaniif, isaan keessatti dalagaa akkanaa (doorama) kan qaban wagaa 23-32 jidduutti kan jiran Tuulama keessatti Qondaala, Ituu keessatti Raaba, akkanatti ofqopheessu.

Boranaafi Gujii keessatti ammoo, yeroon aangoon qabanna tartiibaan waggaa 45-53ttifi waggaa 40-48tti waan taheef, yeroon itti aangoof ofqopheessan kun waggaa Gadaa 32-40 jiddutti taha. Arsii kessattiis akkanuma.

Sadarkaa Dooramaa Booranaa keessatti iddoo lamatti qoodama. Isaniis Raabamaafi Doorama tahu. Raaboonni yeroo itti ilmaan kormaa Raaba tahan jedhamu, waggaa 32-40 jiddutti. Waggaa 41-45tti Doorama jedhama. Inniniis yeroo itti ilmaan kormaa Doorii jedhamaniidha. Kanaaf, sadarkaadhaan bakka itti garaagarummaan jiru tokko kana taha. Kuniis kan mul’ateef dagaagina sirni Gadaa arge keessatti jijjiiramni waan argameefi. Yoo sadarkaa kana ilaalle ilmaan kormaa sadarkaa shanaffaatti (waggaa 32-40 jiuddutti)

a. Tuulama keessatti- Luba jedhama.

b. Ituu keessatti – Doorii (Raaba-dorii) jedhamu.

c. Boorana keessatti – Raaba dorii jedhamu.

d. Gujii keessatti – Doorii jedhamu.

Idileen sadarkaa kanatti kan ilaalle garuu, Dooramni qophii aangoo qabachuuf godhamuudha.

6. Gadooma

sadarkaa itti ilmaan kormaa aangoo polotikaa qabataniidha. Yeroo itti warri Gadaan isaanii geessee biyya bulchan, seera ilaalan, dubbii Gosaa furaniidha. Sadarkaa Gadaa kun Tuulamafi Ituu keessatti isa shannaffaadha. Boorana, Gujiifi Arsii keessatti ammoo, isa jahaffaadha. Ilmaan kormaa sadarkaa Gadooma Booranaafi Gujii keessatti Gadaa; Tuulamafi Ituu keessatti Luba. Ituu keessatti Raaba doorii jedhamu. Yeroo Gadoomaa:

a. Tuulama keessatti – waggaa 32-40tti

b. Ituu keessatti – waggaa Gadaa 32-40tti

c. Boorana keessatti – waggaa Gadaa 45-54tti

d. Gujii keessatti – waggaa Gadaa 40-48tti

e. Arsii keessatti – waggaa Gadaa 40-48tti taha

Bakka heddutti Gadooma keessatti ilmaan kormaa martinuu sadarkaa Gadaa keessaa hamma guutuu biyyatti dhibdee polotikaa, dinagdee, hawaasafi waraanaa cufa furuuf itti gaafatama qaba.

7. Yubooma

Sadarkaa gadaa, murni itti aangoo Gadaarra ture aangoo eega gadi dhiisee itti dabruudha. Gadaa jaarsummaa ykn manguddummaati. Sadarkaa kana keessatti ilmaan kormaa akka hangafaatti ilaalamu. Dalagaan isaanii warra Gadooman gorsuu, qacheelchuu, maandhaa isaanii kan tahan gorsuu, leenjisuufi barsiisuudha. Gara boodaatti hojiirraa walaboomanii ta’anii sadarkaa itti aangoo dhiisanii soorama seenaa kana keessa kan jiran (kan Yubooma)

a. boorana keessatti – yubaafi booda Gadamoojji

b. Tuulam keessatti Yuba

c. Ituu keessatti Lubajedhamu.

Aadaa sirna gadaa

Dhallii namaa akkaata itti naannoo isaa hubatee, itti jijjiiru qaba. Kana keessatti hooda, safuu, beekumssa, qaroomaafi yaadumsi qooda guddaa kennu. Kun hundi dinagdeefi polotikaa sirna hawaasaarratti hundeeyfamau; kanneenirraa calaqqisa argamaniidha. Akkaataaan itti dhalli namaa naannoo isaa hubatee jijjiiru, daawwannoo dinagdeefi polotikaa kan tahe kun aadaa jedhama.

Sirna Gadaa keessaas aadaan maddu jira. Akkaataa dinagdeefi polotikaa issaarraa aadaan hawaasa Oromoo keessatti, bara Gadaa dagaagee beekamaa ture. “aadaa Gadaa” jedhama. Kuniis sirnicha sirna aadaa fakkeessa. Hubannootni karaa cufaa jiru akka aadaatti fudhatamee hawaasa keessatti fudhatama. Kabajaa, safuu, hoodaafi kkf qabaatee mul’ata.

Hoodni, safuufi amantiin sirna kana keessa ture hundi nama hunda biratti fudhatamee kabajama; sanii ala bahuun hawaasaa ala tahutti waan fudhatamuuf nam-tokkoo kaasee hamma maatiitti, maatiirraa kaasee hamma sabaatti qaama walii tahanii jiraatu. Akkaataan jireenya maatii, fuudhaafii heerumaa, hariiroon uumaa, baasiin gumaa, adabni seeraa cabsaniifi kkf hundi aadaa waan tahaniif fudhtamoo turan. Akka bara saniitti eenyulleen aadaa kana nifudhata. Murtiin du’aa yoo itti dabrellee namni sun aadaa waan taheef, beekee eegumsa tokko malee, taa’ee adaba isarritti raaw’atamu eeggata jedhamee himama.

Waliigalteen jaalalaan, tokkummaan waliinjiraachuuniis aadaa jiraachaa ture. Aadaa kanaa ala bahuun, badii isa sadarkaa oliitti waan fudhatamuuf, namuu aadaa tahuu isaa waan beekuuf sirna Gadaa keessa jiru kabajee osoo keessaa hinbaasin kabajee jiraata.

Heeraafii seerri biyyaa akka aadaatti fudhatamee jabaata, kabajamaas, waan jiruufi jireenya ofii ittiin geggeeffatan taheef seeraafi heerri ni kabajamu jechuudha. Waan sirna kana keessatti tahan hundi akka aadaafii amala biyyaatti fudhatamee kabajama. Akkaataan qabannoo qabeenyaa itti loon bobbaasan, looniifi bishaan eelaa baasan, itti qotaniifi akkaataan itti waa horatanii dhimma ittiin bahan aadaa Gadaa keessatti gamtoomaafi marabbaatu calaqqisa. Namuu qabeenya mataa isaa qabaatee irratti mirga guutuu qaba. Kan dhabe, kan balaan uumaafi lolli dhaqqabe, kan dhukkubsateefi abaarri itti dhufe, ÃƒÆ’Ã‚Â¢ÃƒÂ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚Â¬Ãƒâ€šÃ‚Â¦ hundaa suphuufi hadhaadhiyyuun beekamaadha. Har’allee Boorana keessatti “Buussaafi Gonfa” kan jedhamu aadaa osoo hin badin jiruudha. Namuu waan waliin horate waliin dhimma bahuurraa dabree hawaasa keessatti walbadhaasuufi walgargaaruun aadaa Gadaa keessatti beekamaadha.

Aadaa kanaafi kana fakkaatan ala bahuun hawaasa keessaa nama baasa. Jechuun adaba namarratti seeraan dabru malee, waan halaba (out-casted) nama taasisan jiru. Isaan keessaa haraamuu, caphanaa,ÃƒÆ’Ã‚Â¢ÃƒÂ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚Â¬Ãƒâ€šÃ‚Â¦fikkf beekamoodha. Namni haraamuu, caphana,.. jedhamee gosa keessaa bahee namummaa dhabee kophaa jiraata; kophaa godaana, qubata. Gargaarsi hawaasummaa keessati godhamuuf irraa dhaabbata. Gatamuun kana fakkaatan waan jiraniif namuu aadaa Gadaa keessaa kabajee jiraata.

Sirna Gadaa keessatti yeroo garagaraatti aadaan jireenya hafuura ilmaan Oromoo calaqqisan jiru. Isaan keeessaa, ayyaanootni beekamoon kabajamuun waan jiraatani. Ayyaanoota kana keessaa kan sirna Gadaa keessaa jireenya polotikaa ilmaan Oromoocalaqqisu ayyaana buttaati. Guutuu hawaasichaa keessatti yeroo itti aangoon polotikaa Gadaa tokkorraa kanitti dabru, ayyaana kanarratti horiin (loon) qalamanii, nyaachisni guddaan godhama. Sirba, tapha, faaruufi wanni kana fakkaatan ayyaanicha ho’isan addatti beekamoodha. Ayyaana buttaa malee, kanneen sirna kana fakkaatanii maqaa mataa isaanii qaban sadarkaa oliiti dhaabbata tahanii yeroo beekoomaatti kabajaman hedduudha. Isaan keessaa garii maqaa dhawuuf:

Boorana keessatti ayyaana Guduruu buufachuufi qumbii walirraa fudhachuu.
Arsii keessatti ayyaana baraartiifi guduruu, gurra uraafii jaarraa qaluu
Tuulam keessatti ayyaana dhagaa kooraafi jaarraa
Gujii keessatti ayyaana bantii haaddachuu
Kanneenii alattiis, cidhni gargaraa yeroo beekamootti bakka bakkatti godhamu, amantiiniis qaama aadaa hawaasichaa waan taheef, ayyaanni amantii sirna Gadaa calaqqisan bakka hundatti godhamaa ture. Ayyaana kana namuu Qaalluu (geggeessaa amantii) muuduudhaan eeyba kadhata, waaqa (rabbi) isaa galateeyfata; biyyaaf nagaya kadhata; hormaatarratti milkaa’uufi ilmaan isaa, uummtaafi mataa isaaf, fayyaafi jireenya kaadhata. Eegaa, kun aadaa amantii sirna Gadaa keessaa isa tokko. Aadaa Oromoo kan bara sirna Gadaa keessatti yeroon baay’ee barbaachisaadha. Guyyaa, ji’a (baati), waggaafi Gadaa lakkaawuudhaan hawaasa Oromoo sirna kan jalatti qindeessuun qaama aadaa ture. Kanaafiis, hawaasa Oromoo keessatti qaroomni (civilization) addunyyaf gumaache kalandarii Oromooti. Kalandariin Oromo kuniis, astronoomiin kan qoratamee argameedha. Ji’a waggaa dhaloota, bara Gadaa, guyyaafi ji’a ayyaanaa lakkaawanii add baafachuuf tattaafii qormaata ji’a, urjiifi aduu irratti godhamaniin qarooma Oromoota adda godhuufi dagaagina argameedha.

Akkaataa kalandarii Oromootti ji’i (baatiin) tokko guyyaa 29.5 qaba. Waggaan tokko ammoo, ji’a 12 ykn guyyaa 354 qaba. Kanneeniis addaan kan baafataman:

ba’uu, seenuufi guddina addeessaa (ji’a) lakkaawuu
bakka, teessuma, mul’ina urjiilee keessaa buusaa, bakkalcha, ÃƒÆ’Ã‚Â¢ÃƒÂ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚Â¬Ãƒâ€šÃ‚Â¦ to’achuufi jala bu’anii hordafuudhaan tahu.
Hojii mataa isaanii godhanii hordafuudhaan kan hawaasicha beeksisan, beektoota astronoomiiti. Isaaniis beekumsa qaban kana kaaniif dabarsuurratti barnoota laatu, shaakalsiisu. Guyyootiin ji’a tokkoo soddomitti dhihaatan hundi maqaa mataa isaanii addatti qabaatu. Guyyootii jiraniif maqaa 27tu jira. Har’a Boorana keessatti hojjetaa jiru. Maqaan 27n tartiibaan guyyootii 27f tahanii hoggaa xumuraman gara isa jalqabaatti deebi’anii ammaas marsuuf itti fufu. Maqaaleen 27n kun:

Maqootiin kun hundi hiikkaa mataa isaanii qabu. Inniniis urjii, bakkalcha fi ji’arratti huundeeyfamee hiikama. Yeroo hiikamuus ayyaana guyyootii sana ibsu. Fakkeenyaaf, Gidaadaafi Gabra naannaa kan jedhaman ayyaana carraa gadheeti. Inni hiikaa hangafaa waan qabuuf, dureettiin jaalatama waan ibsuufi gaafa wanti hojjetan hundi, waan namatti tolaniifi ayyaana carraa gaariidha. Namni dhalatu ayyaana akkamiirra akka dhalate kanneen irraa himama. Eegaa, hundi qarooma Oromoota haatahan malee, sirna Gadaa keessatti aadaa tureedha.

Waggaa tokko keessa kan jiran ji’ooti (baatiileen) Oromoo 12n maqaa mataa isaani qabu. Isaaniis bakka garagaraatti maqaa adda addaa qabaatu. Ji’ 12n wagga tokko keessa jiran keessa guyyaa 354 akka jiran olitti kaafneerra, ammaas ni yaadachiifna. Maqaan ji’oota Oromoo bakka bakkaatti:

Walumaagalatti aadaan calaqqisan akkaataa dinagdeefi polotikaa sirna tokkoo, akkaataa dhalli namaa ittiin naannoo isaa hubatee jijjiiru tahuu olitti ilaalleera. Sirna Gadaa keessattiis ummanni Oromoo aadaa walii galatti bifa armaan olii qabaatu akka qabu, aadaa kanarraahiis qaroomni ummata Oromoo kalandara mataa isaa qabaachutti akka geesse hubanna. Aadaa sana keessaa immoo amantiin maddee maal akka fakkaatu kophatti ilaalla.

Amantii sirna gadaa

Amaantiin Gadaa ummanni qabaatu keessaa tokko waan sirna Gadaa keessatti hojjetaman aadaa tahee qaama Oromootaa akka ture olitti kaafneerra. Inniniis waan sirna sana gadi jabeesse akka tahe hubatamaadha. Aadaa jiran keessaahiis amantiin hordafamaa ture, sirnicha utubee kan jabeesse dha. Amantiin aadaa haatahuu malee, mataa isaatiis sirna Gadaa keessatti waan aadaa tahan hundaa kan jabeesseedha. Kanaaf amantiifi aadaan tokkummaa akka qaban ifaadha.

Jireenya hafuura qabu keessatti dhalli namaa, hubannoota naannoo isaarraa qabuun waan amanu qabaachuu waan malu, bara Gadaa keessattiis ummanni Oromoo waan itti amanu qaba ture. Inniniis waaqa jedhamee yaamama. Waaqni waan hundumaa ol kan tahe, hunda kan tolcheefi kan uume, waan hunda kan dandayu, ÃƒÆ’Ã‚Â¢ÃƒÂ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚Â¬Ãƒâ€šÃ‚Â¦ tahuu isaatti amanama. Ormootaafi waaqa kana kan walqunnamsiisan qaalloota jedhamu. Hojiin isaaniis akka qeesotafii sheekootaati.

Qaaloota yeroo jennu akka bara dhihoo keessa ummata samuuf jecha sobanii, gowwoomsanii irraa waa guurratan akka qaallichaa Habashaamiti. Qaalloonni Oromoo bara sirna Gadaa ummata, uumamaafi biyyaaf waaqa kadhatu; galateeffatu, ummata eeybisu, looniifi madhaaniif rooba kadhatu, warra bira dhaqanii waaqa kadhachuuf isaaf muudaniif eebba keennu. Dalagaa kana fi kana fakkaataniin akka ummanni amantii Waaqatti amanuufi hordofu godhu; ummataafi Waaqa walqunnamsiisu.

Oromoonni karaa Qaalluu Waaqaan walqunnamuu malee, akkaataa biraas niqabu. Kuniis yeroo garagaraarratti ofiis waaqa kadhachuufi galateeyfachuudha. Bakki itti waaqa kadhatan, galateeffataniis galma ijaarame keessa, muka jala, gaararraa malkaa gubbaa,ÃƒÆ’Ã‚Â¢ÃƒÂ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚Â¬Ãƒâ€šÃ‚Â¦dha. Kanneen utuu kana godhanii, yeroo yerotti dhaqanii Qaalluu muudu. Ayyaanni amantiis yerootti ayyaaneeffataman nijiru. Isaaniis warraa akka

Ateetee- Kan dubartootaati. Inniniis kan mucaa argachuuti.
Nabii – Kan abbootiiti.
Jaarri ayyaana nagayaa, tikfama namaa, looniifi qa’eeti.
Abdaarrii-ayyaana dachii midhaan baasisuuti
Qaallonniis sirna ayyaana amantii kanarratti ummata gorsu, jajjebeessu. Qaalluun eessaa baha? Gaaffiin jedhuu ka’uun nidandaya. Gosa keessaa Qaalluun bahuu dandayuufi hin dandeenye jiru. Inniniis waanuma hangafummaafi quxxusummaa hawaasa Oromoo keessa turerraa tahuun nimala. Qaalluun gosa beekamaa keessaa baha. Achi keessaa bahee gosoota hafniifiis Qaalluu tahu. Hundaaniis muudama. Qaalluun gosa beekamaa keessaa haa bahu malee, tokko qofa taha jechuumiti. Maadhee hawaasa olii sana keessaa dabalanii jiraachuu dandayu. Garuu isaan keessaa tokkootu hundarra kabajaa qabaata. Isaanutuus yeroo ayyaanaa muudatti muudamaas. Fakkeenyaaf Boorana keessatti Qaalloota (laduu) shana jiran kan Maxxaarrii sadaniifi kan Karrayyuu tokkoofi kan Odituu tokko keessaa hunda caala kabajaman Qaalluu Odituuti.

Qaalluun isa oliiti jechuudha. Booranaa alaas qaalluun kana muuduuf Oromoonni lafa fagoo deemanii dhaqu. Kanaaf, sadarkaa qabu; warri gad hafan isaa gaditti dalagu jechuudha. Qaalluun abbaadhaa ilmatti dabree dhaalama deema. Namchi mataan amantii Qaalluu hoggaa jedhamu, haati mana isaa ammoo, qaallitti jedhamti. Qaallitiiniis akkuma qaalluu kabajamtuudha. Ilma hangafaatu yeroo abbaan isaa du’u dhaalee qaaluu tahuuf carraa duraa qaba.

Sirna Gadaa keessatti muuda Qaaluu kan yeroo malee, ayyaanni guddaan muuda jedhamu jira. Inniniis jidduu Gadaa tokkootti yeroo (si’a) beekamaafi dhaabbata tokkotti yaha. Ayyaana kanarratti Oromoonni dhaqanii galma isaatti qaalluu olii muudu. Sirna tahu keessatti yeroo kanatti eeyba Qaalluu fudhachuun beekamaadha. Namoonni lafa fagoorraa ka’anii dhaqan, ganda isaatti muudu, achitti qalanii nyaatu, nyaachisuusi.

Eegaa, walumaagalatti dalagaan Qaalluu inni tokko namaafi waaqa walqunnamsiisuu akka tahefi jireenyi hafuura Oromootaa maal akka fakkaatu ilaalleerra. Qooda Qaalluufi amantiin sirna Gadaa keessaas sirni kun sirna amantii tahuu fakkeessa. Dhugaan isaa garuu sirna amantiis, ofkeessaa qabaachuudha.

Qoodni Qaalluun qabu kan biraa aadaa Oromoo kan sirna Gadaa keessaa tiksuufi too’achuudha. Kanarratti bakka guddaa qaba. Akka aadaan sirna kanaa hin dabnefi seerriifi heerri sirnichaa hin banne qaceelcha. Ummata biratti karaa aadaafi amantii fudhatama guddaa guddaa waan qabuuf, yaada ummataa (public opinion) dhufata isaa jalaa waan qabuuf aadaa Oromoo tiksuufi daandii sirna Gadaarratti too’achuu dandaya. Waan haraamuu, caphana,ÃƒÆ’Ã‚Â¢ÃƒÂ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚Â¬Ãƒâ€šÃ‚Â¦ gatama namatti fiduu dandayanirraa ummata eegu dandaya.

Kanneenirratti dabalee qoodni guddaan Qaalluun qabu jireenya polotikaa sirna Gadaa too’achuufi qajeelchuudha. Murtii polotikaarratti fuulaan yoo qooda hin fudhannellee, waan yaada ummataa of harkaa qabaniif qajeelchuufi karooraratti qooda guddaa kennu. Filmaata qondaaloota Gaddfi marii biyyaarratti argamuudhaan gargaaru. Filmaata qondaaloota Gadaarratti yaada ummataa sassaabuudhaan irratti hundeeyfamanii ija filmaata godhamee adda baasanii labsu. Marii seeraafi heeraarratti argamanii akka seerriifi heerri Gadaa hin dabneef gorsuufi qajeechuudha. Qoondaaloota Gadaa aangoo qabatan sirnaan muudu, eeybisu. Kanaaf, amantiin sirna Gadaas karaa kanaafii kana fakkaataniin jireenya polotikaa ummata Oromoo qajeelchuurratti qooda guddaa qaba.

Eegaa xumuruudhaaf, geggeessaa amantii kan tahe Qaalluun jireenya hawaasa Oromoo sirna Gadaa keessatti qooda guddaa sadii qabaata. Isaaniis:-

qooda amantii – namafii waaqa walqunnamsiisuu
qooda aadaa- aadaa sirna Gadaa eeguuf, tiksuufi too’achuu
qooda polotikaa- filmaatarrattiifi marii biyyaa kan seeraafi heeraarratti too’achuufi qajeelchuudha.
Dhumarratti aadaan, polotikaafi amantiin walitti hidhatoo tahuun ifaadha.

Godaansa Oromoo Jaarraa 16ffaan duratti

Ummata akka waan hinsossoonee kana akka garaa, dhagaa ykn galaanaa godhanii fudhachuun hin tahu. Ummatni kamiyyuu ni sossoha, bakka takka gadhiisee bakka biraatti ni godaana. Seenaa ummatoota addunyaa keessatti godaansa heedduu argina. Sababootii godaansaa uuman akkuma biyya sanaafi haala yeroo sanaarratti hudeeyfama. Kanaaf sababootii godaansa uuman bal’aafi hedduudha. Haa tahuu malee, warri keessaa gurguddaa tahan nijiru:

haalli qilleensaa geeddaramuun balaa dhufee jalaa dheessuuf,

lakkooysi ummataa sanaa hedduu dabaluun dhiphina lafaa dhalatu keessaa bahuuf,

lola ummatoota olla jiddutti dhalaturraa kan ka’ee jalaa dheessuuf, kun ammoo lafa bal’ifachuuf tahu nidandaya. Seenaan godaansa Oromoo kan jaarraa 16ffaan duraa haala kana keessaa tokkorratti hundeeyfamuun nimala.

Madda ummata Oromoo yeroo ilaalletti Oromoon Baddaa Baaleefi gam tokkoon Sidaamoo keessa yeroo dheeraaf akka jiraataa ture mirkana’ee jira. Kana jechuun Oromoon hangaa jaarraa 16ffaa keessatti naannoo kana duwwatti murtaa’ee jiraataa ture jechuumiti. Godaansa haala akkasiitiin dhiheessinu warri barbaadan Qeesoota Amaaraati. Godaansi ummata kamiyyuu ballama qabatee jaarraa akkasiitiin godaana hinjedhu. Godaansi sossohiinsa ummata dhawaataan, suuta suutaan, yeroo dheerinaa keessa kan mul’atudha. Waan jaarraa tokko keessatti jalqabee dhumatuusiimiti.

Herbert S Luwis madda saba Oromoo argacuuf afaanoota Kushoota bahaa bakka 24tti qoode. Afaanoota isaanii karraa kan ka’e, durattii isaa kun lammii tokko turan jedhe. Yroo dheeraa keessa lakkooysii namaa babal’achurraa kan ka’e walirraa fagaatanii qubacuun, lammiin adda addaa dagaagan. Walbiraa godaanuun isaanii kun yoomifii akkamitti akka jalqabameef wanti beekamu hinjiru. Sababnii isaa garuu, waa asii olitti ka’erraa tokko tahuun nimala.

Lammiin affaariifi Saahoon dura godaanuu waan jalqaban fakkaata. Gara kaabaatti baay’ee fagaatanii kan qubatan, isaan kana. Lammiin kun lameen, yeroo dheeraaf waliin jiraataa turanii booda foxxqanii akka qubataniidha. Bara dhihoo dura akka waliin turan, afaan isaanii walitti seenuun ragaa nitaha. Lammiin Somaalee itti aanee sossohee waan gara bahaafi kibbaa qubate fakkaata. Ar’a Somaaleen Oromoorraa gara bahaafi kibbaa, Affaarirraa ammoo, gaara kibbaa qubattee jirti. Akka Herbert S. Luwis jedutti isaan kanatti aanee kan godaane Oromoodha. Affaar, Sahoo,Somaaleefi Oromoon hoggaa naannoo sanarraa sossohan Kuushootni bahaatti hafan ammoo, naannoo ha’a irra jiraatan keessa babal’atan malee hedduu hinsossoone.

Ormoon naannoo Mandayyoo, Dallofi Jamjam bara dheeraa jiraataa turanii dhawaata lafa naannoo isaaniitti siqaa, irra jiraataa dhufan. Yeroo isaan itti naannoo Baaleefii Saidaamoorraa sossohanii hamma Wallootti qubatan waan beekamuumiti. Garuu yeroo dheeraa keessa tahuun hinmamu. Eega Affaarootnifi Saahootni naannoo amma jiran keessa jiraachuu jalqabanii ykn, isaanumatti aananii godaananii qubacuun waan malu.

Akkaata godaansa Oromoo kan ofumaan deemaa ture kana, isa jaarraa 16ffaatti akeekuun hin tahu. Abbaa Baahireenuu yeroo akkaataa godaansa Oromoo barreeyse:

Booranni biyya isaarraa yeroo godaanu hundaan hindeemu, warri deemuu hin baebaanne nihafa. Kuniis waan mootii hinqabneef namni isaan ajaju hinjiru. Abbaan akka barbaade hojjata” jedhe. Bartels namchi jedhamu ammoo, akkaata godaansa Oromoorratti yeroo barreeyse: nama Oromoo tokko gaafatee deebii argate:

Yeroo tochoonu, ilmi hangafni bakka itti dhalateetti hafa. Ilmi quxxusuun dabranii lafa haaraya barbaadu. Ilmaa warra hangafaa naannotti hafan ammoo, firoota isaanii barbaaduu ka’anii godaanu” jedhee jira. Ragaa kana lamaanirraa kan hubachuu dandeenyu, Oromoon godaanee daangaa Keeniya kaasee hamma daangaa Tigreetti qubachuu kan dandahee, yeroo dheeraa keessa akka tureedha. Jaarraa 16ffaa keessa yeroo Baahireen barreeyse baayyinni ummata Oromoo meeqa taha? Akaa inni jedhutti utuu godaansi Oromoo yeroosunii jalqabee ilmaan quxxusuu duwwaan dabranii kan qubatan yoo tahee, lafa har’a Oromoon irra jiraatu firfirsanillee wal hingayan jechuudha. Kanaaf Oromoon jaarraa 16ffaa keessa godaanuu jalqabee utuu hintaane, jaarraa hedduun dura suuta suutaan, ilmi quxxisuun dabree qubachaa, lafa margaafi bishaan qabu barbaadaa godaane. Haalli jaarraa 16 ffaa keessatti mul’ate waan gara biraa waan taheef bakka isaatti laalla.

Duraani Oromoonni lammi tokko tahee osoo jiraatanii gosa Booranafi Bareentummati adda bahan. Bareentumafi Booranni osoo naannoo Baaleefi Sidaamoorraa gara bahaa jiraatanii lakkooysi namaafi horiin saanii baay’achuun gargar fagaatanii qubachuu jalqaban. Ilmaan Bareenummaas akka walitti heddommaachaa deemaniin adda adda bahanii qubachuu jalqaban. Ituufii Humbanni Mormorirraa ka’anii gara bahaatti sossohanii osoo adda hin bahin naannoo Odaa Bultum qubatan. Odaan Bultum kaarra Qurquraarraa gara kibbaatti hamma km 3 fagaatee argama. Ituufi Humbanni osoo adda hinbahin bakka Odaa Bultum kana

Akkaataa bultuma Oromoon Gaddaan duratti.

Sirna Gadaan duratti akkaataa bultuma Oromoo akkam akka ture wanti beekamu hinjiru. Qesoota Amaaraa tahee, seenaa barreeysitoonni gara biraa waa’ee Orommoo kan barreeyssuu jalqaban jaarraa 16ffaa booda ture. Kanaf sanaan dura seenaan Oromoo ture himamsa aadaarraa, yoo argame malee wanti galmaa’e kan jiru hinfakkaatu. Haa tahuu malee, himamsa afaaniitfi akkaataa dagaagina hawaasaarraa kan hubachuu dandeenyu nijira.

Akkaataan dagaagina hawaasaa dhala namaa kamiyyuu sirna keeessa dabru niqaba. Haalli hawaasni Oromoo bara Gadaa duraafi booddee keessa ture calaqqiinsa akkaataa bulmaata isaa ka duraanii nuuf ibsuu ni dandaya. Akkuma ummata kamiyyuu hawaasni Oromooo gamtooma Doofaa durii keessa turuun isaa waan hin’ooleedha. Kuniis akkaata qabeenya dhuufaa turerraa calaqqisa. Ormoon waan tikfattee tureef qabeenya dhuunfaa loon yoo tahe malee, lafti qabeenya gamtaa ture. Kanaa wajjiin kan ilaalamu haala walbulchiinsa isa jidduu tureedha. Hamma hawaasaatti Oromoon guddatee sadarkaa gosa gahetti manguddoo walbulchuun saa hin’oolle. Kabajaa manguddoon hawaasa Oromoo keessatti qabu har’allee aadaa Oromoo keessatti ni calaqqisa. Hamma Gadaan dhufee bakka qabtetti, manguddootaan buluun kun sadarkaa sadarkaan guddataa dhufuun hinhafne.

Haalli kun akkamitti ture? Akkamitti hojjachuu dandaye? Wanti kana calaqqisu boodana dabree maali? Hawaasa Oromoo keessatti aadaan jalqabarraa ka’ee gad dhaabbate hariiroo hangafaafi quxxusuuti. Hariiroon kun dura sadarkaa maatii keessatti gad dhaabbate. Ilmi hangafni kabajamuu qaba. Warri quxxusuu isa hordofu. Waan inni jedhe dhagayu. Hariiroon kun maati duwwaa keessatti hin hafu. Akkuma hawaasni sun dagaaguun hangafaafi quxxusuun ibidda, manaafi gosa keessattiis hojiirra oola. Ibiddi hangafaafi quxxusutti adda bahee walkabjuuniifi waliif abboomamuun buluun dhalate. Hariiroon ku yeroo dheeraaf hawaasa Oromoo keessatti hojjate.

Goso tokko keessa karra hagafaafi quxxusuu nijiraatu. Maanguddootni karra hangafaa keessa jiran biyya (gosa) bulchuurratti qceelfama kennu. Karri quxxusuu tahan warra hanagafa kana jalatti gurmaawu. Sadarkaa gossaattiis hariiroon kun ittifufa.

Gositi hangafni yeroo warra kaan qaceechu, geggeessu warri quxxusuun isaan jalati walitti qabamu. Gosootni kun akkasitt walitti dhufanii tokkooma gosaa (tribal confederacies) tolfatan. Tokkoomni gosaa kun ammoo, walkeessatti hangafaafi quxxusuu qabu. Hawaasa Oromoo keessatti akkaataan hangafaafi quxxusutti qoodamuun kun qoodama karra cimdii” ( bi social differentiation) jedhama. Sirni bulmaataa karra lamatti qoodamuun bu’ureeyfamu ammoo, sirna qoodama karra cimdii taha. Hamma Gadaan dagaagutti akkaataan bulmaata Oromoo sirna kanaan ture.

Sirna kana keessatti manguddoonni qooda lammii guddaa qabu. Manguddoota lammii keessaa ammoo, kan warra hangafaa hunda dursu. Waldhabbii gosoota giddutti ka’u manguddoota kanaatu ilaala. Gosoota Oromoo keessaa Booranni hangafa. Kanaaf waldhabbiin gosa bareentumaa, fakkeenyaaf Arsiifi Macca giddutti yoo ka’e, manguddoota Booranaatu ilaala. Haalli kun gosa, karra hundumaa keessatti akkasitti hojjata. Ummata ollaa wajjiin waldhabbiin yoo argamees, gumaabaasuufiis tahee, falmu, lola waan ilaaluufi dantaa lammii saanaa guutummatti manguddootaan ilaalamee murtii godhata.

Sirni manguddootaan qaceelu amaluma hawaasa doofaa taheellee kan Oromoon dhaabbate jabaa tahuun isaa, hangafaafi quxxusuun qaceeluu isaati. Sirna isa booddee Oromoon tolfatee ittiin walbulcheef bu’ura kan qabuudha. Sirna Gadaa keessatti hawaasni Oromoo gartuu lamatti qoodamee ijaarame. Gartuuleen kun aadaadhaan hangafaafi quxxusutti beekamu. Garuu waltoo’achuufi walgituurratti walqixa. Fakkeenyaaf qoodamni akkasii Boorana keessati Sabboofi Goona, Maccaa keessatti Booranaafi Gabaro, Ituu keessatti Kuraafi Galaan, Humabnna keessatti Qal’oofi Anniyya jedhamanii beekamu. Haaluma qoodama gosa keessa duraan tureetu Sirna Gadaa keessattiis ga-dhaabbate jechuudha. Kanaaf Oromoon osoo sirna Gadaatiin as hin bahin, sirna qoodama karra cimdii kanaan walbulchaa ture jechuun nidandeenya.

Meelba:- bara 1522-1530

Gadaan duraa Melba jedhama jedhu. Bara Gadaa Melbaa kana Oromoon abbaa duulaa itti ijaaree yeroo duraatiif gurmuun duulutti bobbaase. Baalli weeraruu jalqaban. Namichaa Amaara Faasil jedhamuu wajji wal lolanii inniis duularratti du’e. Duula Oromoo isa jalqabaa kanaan amaarri “dawwee” jedhan. Afaan Amaaraatti dawwee jechun, dhukkuba lamxii jechuudha

Muudana:- bara 1531-1538

Mebatti aane kan Gadaa fudhate Muudana jedham. Bara Muudana kana seera jajjabaa lama tumatan. Lubni hundi duula akka duuluufi laf haaraya baasan malee, meendhicha akka hin hidhanne kan jedhu ture. Baalli kan Melba weeraruu jalqabe Muudannii dhufatee hamma qarqara laga Awaashitti irra qubatan. Barri Gadaa Muudanaa kun bara Islaamoonni Imaam Ahmadiin geggeefamanii Kiristaanootaan lolaa turani. Lola diinootni isaa lamaan wal lolaa jiran kan Oromoon faana bu’aa ture. daareel Baates namichi jedhamu kana hogga ibsu:

“lolli Kiristaanoota Habashafi Islaamoota ture, Poortugaal gargaartee Imaam Ahmed mohamullee hin dhaabbanne. Waggootii dheeraaf dabree dabree deemsifamaa ture, gaallaa (Oromoo) haala kana duukaa bu’anii too’ataa turan. Gartuun lamanuu waan miidhameef lafa isaanii deebifachuuf ÃƒÆ’Ã‚Â¢ÃƒÂ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚Â¬Ãƒâ€šÃ‚Â¦.yeroo itti eeggachaa turan”jedha. Lolli amantii yeroof akkasiit qabbanaawullee Oromoon lola isaa itti fufe. Muudanni Gadaa isaa fixee Kiiloleetti dabarse.

Kiilolee:- bara 1539-1546

Kiiloleen duula bal’isee DAWAAROO rukutuu jalqabe. Yeroo gabaaba keessati handhuura Dawaaroo gahe. Galaawudoos mooti Habashaa waana isaa kan nama Adaal Mabraq jedhamuun hoogganamu Dawarrootti bara 1545tti erge. Waraanni Adaal Mabraq harka Oromootti baqe, inniniis lbaqatee laga Awaash cehe.Dawaaroo kan jedhamu Arsii har’aatt akeekuun ni dandayama. Galaawudoos Islaamoota mohuu dandahullee Oromoobiyya isaaf lolu mohuu hindandeenye. Kiiloleen Gadaa isaa fixee Biifoleetti dabarse.
Biifolee:- bara 1547-1554

Galaawudoos Adaal Mabraq moohamuu dhagayee humna isaa waliti gurmeessee, waraana warra Poortugaaal fogargaarsisee Oromootti bara 1548tti duule. Humna guddaan itti haa duulu malee, Galaawudoos Oromoo mohuu dadhabee, dahannoo jabaa qotatee Dawaaroo keessa qubate. Oromoonni achitti iti marsanii lolan. Lolli sun guyyaa kudhalama deeme. Oromoonni gootummaan lolanii gaafa 12ffaa waraana Habashaa dahannoo isaa keessatti itti seenaanii hedduu irraa fixan. Ajajaan waraana Poortugaal Ayrees Deez jedhamu madaawee boodarratti du’e. Waraanni Habashaa moohame. Biifoleen duulaa isaa itti fufef Awaash cehee Faxagar waraanuu jalqabe. Hatahuu malee, Biifoleen akka Luboota isa duraa lafa haaraya qabachuudhaan hinmilkooyne. Habashoonni dhiibbaan Oromoo gara qa’ee isaaniitti dhihaataa waan deemeef jabaatanii dura dhaabbatan. Galaawudoos humna Habasha gurmeesse ofirraa ittise. Gama lachuu namni dhube baay’ee guddaa ture. biifoleen Gadaa isaa raaw’atee Michilleetti dabarse.

Michille:- bara 1555-1562

Michilleen Gadaa isaa kana keessatti namni diina hinajjeefne akka hin fuune, akka rifeensa mataa hinhaaddanne seera baase. Akka jedhamuttiis bara Gadaa Michillee kana Oromoon fardaan loluu jalqabe. Kanaaf lafa fagoo deemee lola gochuu jalqabe. Bara Michillee kana Galaawudoos waraana isaa Faxagar keessa jiru namicha Hamalmaal jedhamuti kennee bataskaana Imaam gube ijaarutti deebi’ee ture. bara 1555tti Michilleen Hamlmaaliin bakka Dagoo jedhamutti waraanee moohe. Hamalmaal moohamuun Faxagariin guutumatti harka Oromootti deebise. Faxagar Enriif Karrayyuu har’aani taha. Michilleen Faxagar irra dhaabbatee Cafaat, Bazimoofi Daamoot salphatti rukutuu jalqabe. Gibeen qabachuuniis yeroo kana jalqabe. Bara Michillee injifannoo guddaan argame garuu, Islaamootarratti ture. islaamoonni eega Imaam Ahmed boodde weerara guddaa kiristaanatti bobbaasuu hindandeenye. Hatahuu malee, geggeessaan Islaama Harar Amiir Nuur jedhamu humna walitti qabatee bara 1559tti Habashatti duulee ture. amiir Nuur Galaawudoosiin lolee moohe. Galaawudoos lola sanirratti du’e. Amiir Nuur osoo inni injifannoo argatetti gammadee ayyaaneeffachaa jiruu Oromoonni magaalaa Harar seenanii barbadeessan. Oduu kana dhagahee osoo inni gara Harar deebu’utti jiruu Michillee bakka Tulluu Hazaaloo jedhamtutti haxxee hidhee rukute. Lola taherratti Oromoonni haa dhuman malee, Amiir Nuur ni moohame. Waraanni saa harka loltuu Oromoorratti akka dhadhaa baqee dhume. Lubbuun kan keessa bahan xiqqaa ture. lolli Tulluu Hazaaloo biratti tahe kun, yeroo dheeraaf Kiristaanaafii Islaama gidduutti lola deemaa ture addaan kute. Humni Oromoo jabaachuun warra wal lolaa turan gidduutti nagaya buuse.

Michillee booddee duulli Oromoo karaa lamaarraa tahuu jalqabe. Isaaniis:- Oromoota Walloofi Maccaafi Tuulama. Wallo keessati kan Gadaa fudhate Harmuffaa jedhama. Kan Tuulama ammoo, Hambisaa jedhama. Lachuu saanii bara 1563-70tti Gadaarra turan. Hambisaan duula gurguddaa Shawaa keessatti haa godhu malee, Amaara dhiibuu hin dandeenye. Mootiin Habashaa Minaas akka jabatti Hambisaafi Harmuffaa dura dhaabbate. Osoo isaaniin loluu du’e. Malaak Saggad ykn Sarta Dingil kan jedhamu itti dabree aangoo Habashaa qabatee lola ittifufe. Hambisaaniis lafaa haaraya osoo hinqabatin Minas wajjiin lola gurguddaa osoo godhuu Gadaan isaa dhumeeRoobaleetti dabarse. Harmuf Awaash cehee Affaarootafi Habashootatti duuluu jalqabe. Gi’orgis Haaylee kan jedhamu bakka qacinaafi Wayaata jedhamutti lolee Moo’e. Affaarootaas lolee naannoo Angootttifi Ganyi jedhamtu qabatee taa’e. Bakka kanarraa Amaara Saaynitiifi Bagamidritti duuluu jalqabe. Harmuuf bara Gadaa isaa Affaaroota, Argoboota, Doobotafi Amaaroota Ganyiifi Angoot keessa turan waraanee ofjala galchee gosa moggaase. Harmuuf Affaaroota humna isaanii cabsee baay’ee xiqqeese. Harmuuf Gadaan isaa dhumee Robaleen harka fudhate.

Robaleen:- bara 1571-1578

Malaak Saggad Roobalee Shawaa keessatti dabarsuu dhoorke. Ofiis garuu Roobalee dhiibuu hindandeenye. Shawaa keessatti haala akkanaan jiru Roobaleen Walloo Bagamidir seenee lola jalqabe. Yeroo kana Malaak Saggad saffisaan gara Bagaamidir deebi’ee Roobalee bakka wayinaa Dagaa jedhamutti lolee Roobaleen moohame wallotti deebi’e. Roobaleen hoggaa Malaak Saggfad gara Bagaamidir deeme, duula Shawaa keessatti jabeessee Amaaroota gara hallayyafi olqatti naqee biyya qabate. Malaak Saggad deebi’ee Roobalee dhiibuu hindandeenye. Gadaan isaanii dhumee lamaanuu Birmajiif bakka gaddhiisan.

Birmajii:- bara 1579-1586

Bara Gadaa Birmajii Oromootni Amaara hedduu muddanii qaban. Birmajiin Wallo Bagamidir seenanii Amaaroota hedduu fixan. Aantoot Malaak Saggad lolarratti dhuman. Amaara Bagamidir akka malee hollachiisee. Birmajiin Tuulamaafi Macaa lafa fardi isaa dhaquu dandayu mara deemee qabate. Amaarri gara hallayyaafi holqatti galtee dhokatte. Osoo gaarri, hoqiifi hallayyaan hinjiru tahee, namni hafu hinjiru jedhaa ture barreeysaan Habashaa Alaqaa Atsimeen. Malaa Saggad oliifi gad fiigutti yeroo isaa fixe. Birmajiin Shawaa laga Jamayii cehee Waqaa qabatee Amaara lafa Oromoo keessa qubatte Habashaarraa kute. Achirraa Gojjaamiifi Daamoot waraanuu jalqabe. Malaak Saggad nama Daragoot jedhamu akka Gojjaamiin ittisuuf itti erge. Birmajiin lola Daaragootirratti du’e. Haa tahu malee Birmajiin gara dhuma Gadaa isaati jala Gojjaam keessatti moohame. Biramjiin bakka lachuutti Gadaa gad dhiisanii Mul’atatti dabarsan.

Mul’ata:- bara 1587-1594

Bara Gadaa Mul’ataa kana Walloon hedduu hinduulle. Yeroo lama duwwaa Godaritti duulee saamee Wallotti deebi’e. Qubatee waan taa’e fakkaata. Mula’ati, Maccaafi Tuulama duula isaa itti fufe. Bifa lolaa geeddaree Amaara karaarratti gaadanii ajjeesuu jalqaban. Gaara gidduufi saaqaa dhiphoo ta’an jiddutti eegee Amaara murachuu jalqabe. Kanaaf Amaarri bara sana lafa sodaatu bira hoggaa gahewalitti lallaba, walwaama dabra ture jedhama. Bakka fardasaaf mijjaa’u Gondariifi Gojjaam keessa gulufee basha’e. Boodaas achi quabatee taa’e. Amaarri araarfachuu jalqabdee, suuta suutaan walmakuu jalqaban. Haa tahu malee, lolli isaan jiddu hindhaabbanne: isaan keessa warri gurguddaan:

Jaarraa 17ffaa jalqabarratti (1605-1617) bara mooti Habashaa Suusiniyoos Oromoon Bagamidrifi Gojjaamitti duulaa ture, garuu ofirraa ittisan.

1620 Oromootni Walloo Bagamidriti duulan.

Qaabsis Paaris (Paris chronicle) jedhamu lolli gurguddaan baroota 1639, 1643, 1649, 1652fi 1658tti akka tahan galmeessee jira.

1661 Oromoonni Walloo Warra HimannooGondaritti duulanii Faasilaa Dasiin lolan.

1683-1688 Oromoon Guduruu Habashaa lolee moohe.

1709 bara Tewoofiloos mooti Habashaa ture Oromoon Amaaratti duulee ture.

Jaarraa 18ffaa kaasee lolli xixiqqaan Amaaraafii Oromoo jiddutti deemaature. Amaaroonni Oromoo ofitti qabuu (firoomfatuu)jalqaban. Waldhabbii isaan jidduu jirurratti akka Oromoon isaan gargaaru hawwachaaturan. Yeroon itti Oromoon waardiyaa mooti Habashaa tahee qa’ee(gibbii) isaaniitti galees niture. Habashoonni walii isaai fonqolchuufi aangoorraa turuufiis Waraana Oromootti yeroon dhimma ba’aa turan niture.

Duula Oromoo kana booddee haala akkamiitu Gaafa Afrikaa keessatti dhalate? Humni Oromoo jechuuniis maal uume? Hamma Oromoon Gadaan of hinjaaranitti miidhaa gurguddaan irrgahaa akka ture beekamaadha. Yeroo sanaas Kiristaanootnifi Islaamootni duula wailrraa hincinne walirratti oofaa turan. Gaafni Afrikaa bakka lolaa turte jechuun nidandayama. Oromoon Gadaan ijaaramee as bahuun, madaala humna Gaafa Afrikaa keessatti jijjiire. I) lola Kiristaanaafi Islaama jidduu nidhaabe. 2) hawwii babal’achuu Habashaan qabu dhaabee walitti isii suntuurse. 3) Oromoo kabajamaafi sodaatamaa taasise. 3) Mootummaa Islaama Harar dhawee walitti bute. 5) daangaarratti waldhiibuufi lola xixiqqaa tahan malee, nagaya gara jaarraa lamaaf Gaafa Afrikaatti buuse.

Madaalli humnaa kan yeroo dheeraaf ture, kan jijjiiramuu jalqabe walakkaa jaarraa 19ffaa booda eega meeshaan lolaa haarayni harka Habashoota seene ture. Yeroo kanarraa kaaseeti kn Oromoon caphee kolonii Habashaa tahuu kan jalqabe. maddii: marsaa alaabaa

Seenaan haayyoota Oromootin barreefammee kunoo as isiinif jira. Dubbisaati baradhaa. yoo barruu seenaa biraa qabaattan tessoo exellent823@yahoo.com irratti nuf ergaa.

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Seenaa saba Oromoo

Kitaaba (seenaa saba Oromoo fi Sirna Gadaa/Birraa/Fulbaana/1995)

(Toleeraa Tasammaa fi Hundasaa Waaqwayyaa)

Seenaan qorannoo ykn barnoota akka ummanni tokko itti jiraataa tureedha. Seenaan saba tokko yeroo jennu qorannoo ykn barnoota waa’ee shanyii saba saba saniiti jechuudha. Seenaan sabni tokko akkamitti jiraataa ture? Haala akkam keessa dabre? Ogummaa akkam qaba ture? Aadaan isaa maal fakkaata? Kan jedhaniifi gara biraas kaasee deebii itti barbaada. Gabaatti, seenaan qorannoo ykn barnoota haala shanyyiin (sanyyiin) ummata biyya tokkoo karaa dina’gdeefi hawaasummaa keessa dabreedha.

Ummanni tokko haala jireenya isaa hubachuuf abbootiin abbootii isaa ykn shanyyiin isaa haala keessa dabran qorachuu barbaachisa. Haalli ykn akkaataan jireenyi shanyii ofii keessa dabre jireenya har’aa irratti calaqqiinsa ni qabaata. Isa ha’aa hubachuuf isa dabre qorachuun barbaachisaadha. Kaleessi yoo hin jiraanne har’i hinjiraatu. Waan shanyyiin keenya keessa dabree as gahe qorannee baruun kan har’aa ijaarachuuf baay’ee barbaachisa. Kaleessi har’a, har’i boru maddisiisa. Kan dabre yoo hinhubatin kan har’aa hubachuun, kan har’aa yoo hinhubatin kan boruu qiyaasuun hinkajeelamu.

Namni seenaa abbootii isaa, kan shanyii isaa hinbeekne jaamaadha. Bishaan gabatee irra jiru, kan gara barbaadanitti oofamuun wajjiin walfakkaata. Namni seenaa irraa hinbare, badii seenaa deebisee dalaguuf dirqama. Namni seenaa shanyii isaa hinbeekne, maqaa, aadaafi sabummaa isaa gatee kan alagaa fudhachuuf tattaafata. Ummanni Oromoo seenaa boonsaa, biyya badhaatuufi aadaa dagaagaa qaba. Ilmaan Oromoo hedduun garuu, kan waan hinbeeyneef alagatti ofharkisuu kan barbaadan nijiran. Seenaa saba ofii baruun eenyummaa ofii nama barsiisa. Firaaf diina adda baafachuuf nama gargaara. Walumaa galatti, seenaa saba ofii beekuun sab-boonummaa dagaagsa.

Seenaa saba keenyaa kan boru itti boonnu duwwaafi miti. Tahuus hin qabu. Mataa ofii dabree beekuufi yaadachuuf barra. Barree ammoo dabarsinee barsiifna. Kanaaf ilmaan Oromoo hundi seenaa Oromoo baranii dabarsanii barsiisuun dirqama taha. Seenaa dabrerraa kan barree yaadachuuf, jireenya keenya har’aa hubachuuf nu gargaara. Madda rakkoo keenya har’aa baruuf, seenaa abbotiin teenya dabarsan beeku qabna. Rakkina har’aa furuuf mala lafa kaayyachuuf seenaa dabre beekuun hedduu barbaachisaadha. Rakkinaafi guddina sabni keenya keessa dabree as gsahe yoo beekne kan boruu yaaduu dandeenya. Daandii qabsoon keenya fudhachuu qabu tolchuufi tolchinees sirritti ta’uu isa kan itti ilaallu calaqqee seena Oromoo keessatti taha. Seenaa dabre kan fagoofi dhihoo, yaadaafi ilaalcha keenya irratti ifaan ykn osoo hin mul’anne dhiibbaa niqabbata. Seenaa keenya ka barruuf, ofii hubannee akka sirritti galmeessinee dhaloota boruutiif dabarsuudhaafi. Waanti nuti har’a hojjannu , boru seenaa taha. Kanaaf Oramoo kan tahe hundi seenaa shanyyii isaa baree dabarsee barsiisuun haalaan barbaachisaadha.

Barbaachisummaa seenaa baruu erga hubatamee, gaaffi ka’antu jira. Seenaan Oromoo barreeyfamee jiraa? Eenyufaatu barreeyse? Yoo hin barreeyfamne tahe akkamiti barreeysuun dandayama? Gaaffiileen kan fakkaatan hedduun ka’uu mala. Osoo deebii gaaffiilee kanaa kennuu hinyaalin dura madda seenaa waan athan keessaa lama qofa yoo ka’aan gaarii taha.

Maddi seenaa ummata tokkoo inni duraafi guddaan seenaa afaanii(oral history) fi aadaadha. Hamma sadarkaan dagaagina hawaasummaa tokkoo barreeysaan waa galmeessuun hinjalqabaminitti, seenaa dhalootarraa dhalootatti himamsa afaaniitiin dabraa dhufa. Abbaan ijollee isaatti “dur shanyiin keenya akkasiti bulaa ture, bara akkasii rakkina akkasiitu tur, dur jireenyi akkas ture” jedhee yeroo itti odeessu, seenaa dabarsaa jira jechuudha. Sabootni hedduun har’allee afaan isaaniitiin barreeysuu hinjalqabne nijiran. Seenaan saboota akkasii barreeyfamuuf maddi guddaan seenaa afaaniifi aadaa isaaniiti taha.

Seenaa tokko qorachuuf ykn barreeysuuf maddi lammaffaan waan galmeeyfameedha. Beektoonnif qorottoonni haala jiruufi jireenya, aadaafi afaan ummata tokkoo yeroo galmeessan seenaa dabarsaa jiru. Waan beektoonni ykn qorottoonni barruudhaan har’a lafa kaayan, boru kaan itti dhufee barata ykn irra dhaabatee xiinxala. Seenaan ummata tokkoo nama isaa keessa dhalateen barreeyfame irra wayyinni hinhafu. Inninuu, yoo namni sun dhiibbaa adda addaarraa qulqulluu tahe malee, mudaa qabaachuu nidandaya. Keessattu yeroo seenaa uummata gara biraa barreeysan jibba, jaalalalfi dhiibbaa adda addaarraa qulqulluu yoo hintaane badii guddaan dalagamuu nimala.

Seenaa tokko qorachuufi baruuf madda waan tahan keessaa guddaa lama kaafnee jirra. Eegaa, seenaan ummata Oromoo barreeyfamee jiraayi? Ykn ummanni Oromoo seenaa qabaayi? Gaaffiilee jedhan laaluu ni dandeenya.diinootni ummata Oromoo, ‘Oromoon seena hinqabu’ jedhu. Ummanni seenaa hinqabne hinjiru. Namni tokko hoo seenaa mataa isaatti,seenaa jireenyaa niqaba. Seenaan ummata sanaa barreeyafamee jiraachuufi dhiisuun waan gara biraati. Diinootni Oromoo seenaa hoggaa jedhan waan galmeeyfame qofa ifdura qabu. Seenaan ummataa hedduun barreeyfamuu kan dandaye erga beekkumsi barreeysuu argame booda ture. Har’allee afaanotni tokko tokko barreeysaa hin qaban, seenaan saboota akkasii karaa lamaan qoratama.

seenaa afaanii
waan alagaan, waa’ee ummata sanaa barreeyse irraa taha.
Ummanni Oromoo afaan isaan kan barreeyssuu jalqabe bara dhihoo keessa. Kanaaf ilma Oromoo tokkoon seenaan isaa galmeeyfamee jira jechuu hindandeenyu. Bara dhihoo as garuu, ilmaan Oromoo tokko tokko seenaa saba isaanii barreeysuuf tattaafataa jiru. Haathu malee seenaan Oromoo himamsa afaaniifi aadaatiin dhalootarraa dhalootatti daddabraa har’a as gahe jira. Seenaa saba keenyaa qorannee galmeessuuf, seenaan afaaniifi aadaa madda guddaadha. Haa tahu malee, himamsi afaanii lakkuma bubbuluun jijjiiiramaa hiikkaafi ilaalcha adda addaa fudhachaa akka deemu irraanfachuun namarra hinjiru. Har’a seenaa keenya qorachuuf himamsa afaaniitti daballee maddi gara biraa kan seenaa afaan keenyaa (oromiffaa) tiifi antiropolojii taha.

Antiroppolojiin saayinsii qorannoo waa’ee dhala namaa, aadaa, hoodaafi amantii, akkaataa jireenya isaa irratti godhamuudha. Kanaaf seenaa afaanii kan dhalootarraa dhalootatti daddabraa dhufeefi, qormaata afaniifi antiroppolojii irratti godhamu walqabachiifnaan seenaan dhugaa barreeyfamuu nidandaya.

Seenaa Oromoorratti qormaanni godhamuu qaba hoggaa jennu, seenaan Oromoo akka waan tasa hinbarreeyfamneetti fudhachuu hinqabnu. Oromoonni seenaa ummata isaanii barreeysuu kan jalqaban dhihoo kanatti haatahuu malee, namoonni alagaa hedduun seenaa Ummata Oromoo barreeysanii jiran. Har’aas kan qormaata godhaa jiran hedduudha. Anmoota alaagaa kan seenaa Oromoo barreeysan gosa sadihitti, qooduu nidandeenya.

Isaaniis: 1)qeessota Habshaa,2) waarra Orooppaa 3) Araboota. Isaan kana tokko tokkoon haalaallu.

handhuura godhatanii turan. Arsiin ammoo, naannoo sanarraa gara bahaatti sossohee Ituufi Humbannatti aanee qubate. Ilmaan Bareentoo keessaa gara kaabaatti fagaatee kan qubate Walloodha.

Ilmaan Booranaa ammoo, adda bahanii gosti Booranaa xiqqoo gara kibbaatti siqee qubate. Achirraa godaansa haga laga Xaanaa Keeniyaa keessatti deeme. Gujiin naannoo Jamjamirraa hedduu osoo hin fagaatin achumatti lafa bal’ifate. Booranni kaabaa (Maccaafi Tuulama) gara kaabaatti sosshan. Naannoo Shawaa har’aa eega gayanii booda Macc gara dhihaatti godaanee qubachuu jalqabe.

Godaansi Oromoo kun yeroo kam akka tahe beekuun nama dhibullee jaarraa 9ffaa ykn 10ffaa dura akka tahe beekamaadha. Naannoo jaarraa kanatti Oromootafi Habashoota jidduu (gidduu) wallolli akka ture barreeyfamee jira. Jaarraa kana keessa hoggaa Islaamummaan Shawaa seenuu jalqabe Oromoon akka achi turees waan hubatameedha. Ormoon yeroo lafa kanatti godaane, ummatni gara biraaa irra jiraachuuf dhiisuu irraa wanti beekamu hinjiru. Habarlaand akka jedhutti naannoo Shawaa har’aatti yeroo Oromoon godaane lafti duwwaa turuun nimala jedha. Namichi Poortugaal Franaaz jedhamubara 161tti yroo naannoo Gojjaamii ka’ee gara qarqara galaanaatti deemu argee akka barreeysetti ” Kibba laga Abbayya keessaa Oromoonni nijiru. Isaaniifi Innaariyaa gidduu garuu, lafti duwwaadha” jedhee ture. Kanaaf lafti Oromoon itti godaanerraa guddaan duwwaa lafa daggala qabu akka ture hubatamaadha.

Seenaa Barreeysitoota Habashaa

Seenaa Oromoo inni jalqabaafi qabatamaan qeesii Amaaraa, abbaa Baahiree jedhmuun bara 1593tti barreeyffame. Barreeyfama Baahireen duratti wanti qabatamaan barreeyffame waan jiru hinfakkaatu. Abbaa Bahireen Amaara waan taheef seenaa Oromoo tan inni barreeyse mudaa gurguddaa qaba. Bara inni barreeysaa ture (jaarraa 16ffaa) keesssa Oromoon duula lafa isaa falmachuurra waan tureef hijaa(haloo) Oromoo bahuuf poolisii (imaammata) hordafamuu qabu lafa kayuuf barreeyse.

Mootoota habasha yeroo sana turan gorsuuf barreeyse. Akeekni Baahiree jabinni Oromoo eessaa akka maddufi dadhabiinsi Habashaa maala akka tahee xiinxaluu ture. Seenaa Oromoo ija diinummaatiin laalee barreeyse. Bahireen seenaa kitaaba isaa “ye Gaallaa Taarik” jedhu yeroo barreeyse akkas jedha. “seenaa Gaallaa barreeysuu kaniin jalqabeef, lakkooysa gosa isaanii, nama ajjeesuuf qophii tahuu isaaniifi amala saanii kan gara lafina hinqabne beeksisuufi. Seenaa ummata gadhee kanaa maalif barreeysite, osoo kan ummata gaariidhaa jiruu jedhee yoo namni nagaafate, “kitaaba keessa laali, seenaan Mohammadiifi mootoota Islaamaatu barreeyfamaa jiraamiti?..jedhee jalqabe.

Baahireen ilaalcha ummata Oromoof qabu seenaa kitaaba isaa keessatti xumure. Jibbiinsaafi diinummaa Oromoorraa akka ifatti mul’ata. Haala kanaan yeroo barreeyse Baahireen dogoggora gurguddaa keessa seene. Seenaa Oromoo dabsee waan barreeysseef, seena barreeysitoota isa booddee barreeysaniis karaarra dabsee jira. Daba inni hojjate kana booqannaa itti aanu keessatti laalla. Seenaa Oromoo guutumaatti, akka mata dureetti fudhatanii akka baahireetti hin barreeysin malee, qeesoota qabsiisa mootoota habashaa barreeysan, qabsiisa isaanii keessatti waa’ee Oromoo kaasanii jiru. Haa tahu malee, ija diinummaatiin waan qabsiisaniif seenaa Oromoo hedduu dabsan. Qeesiin Atsime gi’orgs jedhamu seenaa Oromoo akka baay’ee nama dinqutti barreeyse. Namummaa oromoo haga haalutti gahee “ilmaan sheeyxaanaa” jedhee barreeyse. Alqaa Taayyee kan jedhamu ammoo, “innas tawuqaallan Gallaa indeet ka baahir indewaxaa” jedhee haala baayyee fokkisaan barreeyse. Yeroo qeessotni kun waa’ee Oromoo barreeysaa turan, yeroo Oromoon itti jabaa ture. Jabinaafi laafina Oromoo baranii akkaataa itti dura dhaabbatan qiyaafachuuf ture. Eega Oromoo cabasanii koloneeffaatan boodaas, seenaa Oromoo barreeysuu nidhaaban. Warri Orooppaas akka hinbarreeysine dhiibbaa irratti godhuu jalqaban. Walumaa galatti waan qeesootni kijibduun Habashaa dabsanii barreeysan sana, seenaa dhugaa kan qormaataan bira gahame barreeysuudhaan kijibdoota Habashaa faalleessuun haalaan barbaachisaadha.

Seena barreeysitoota Awrooppaa:

Namoonni biyya Orooppaa sababafi yeroo adda addaatti naannoo Kaaba Baha Afrikaa dhufanii seenaa barreeysan nijiru. Isaan kun heeddu waan tahaniif gosa gurguddaa lamatti qoodnee ilaluu dandeenya.

waarra amantii babal’isuutiin biyya Orooppaarraa dura biyya Habashaa kan dhufan warra Poortugaal turan. Isaan kun jalqabaa jaarraa 17ffaarraa kaasanii Habashaa seenuudhaan dame amantii kristiyaanaa -Kaatolikii babal’isuuf tattaafachha turan. Habashootaaf jaalalaafi maraarfannoo gudda qabu turan. Habashoonni tuqamuufi miidhamuu hinjaalatan turan. Habashoota gara amantii isaaniitti hawwachuuf tattaafataa waan turannif, waan mootoota Habashaa dallansiisu hin barreeysine. Seenaa Oromoo yeroo barreeysaniis akkuma Habashootaatti barreeysan. Namichi Poortugal-Manu’eel de Almeedaa jedhamu, yeroo seenaa Oromoo baarreeyse, Baahireerraa fudhatee ijaa jibbiinsaan barreeyse. Kanaaf waan isaan barreeysan hoggaa xiinxalmuufi kan warra kaanii wajjiin ennaa walbira qabamu seenaa Oromoo barreeysuun nidandayama. Tahaas jira.
Biyya Daawwatootafi Qorottota:
Biyya daawwatoonni haala, akeekaafi yeroo adda addaatti dhufan, biyya daawwataa fakkaatanii dhufuudhaan kan mootuummaa isaaniif basaasan nituran. Waarri kaan immoo qormaata ji’ograafii ykn saayinsii gochuuf warri dhufaniis turan. Bifa adda addaan haa dhufan malee isaan kun waan argan, ummata, aadaaa, afaaniifi akkaata jireenyaa biyya sanaa barreeysanii jiru. Namoota alagaa waan tahaniif waan ijaan arkan malee, ofii isaaniitiin ummata haaseessuudhaan kallattiin waa baruu hindadayan. Nama afaan isaanii hiiku barbaadu. Kanaaf hangi isaan seenaa barreeysuuf deeman heedduu xiqqaadha. Aadaafi maalummaa ummata sanaa baruudhaaf, yeroon isaan keessa turaniis waan xiqqaa tahuuf, hubannaan isaaniis akkasuma taha. Dhiibba malee waan hojjetaniif hanga dhaga’aniifi arkan qulqullutti barreeysuu saanii hin oolamu.

Namoonni Arooppaa seenaa Oromoo, Orommtarraa qoratanii barreeysaniis nijiru. Oromoonni gabrummatti gurguramanii boodaa namooni Arooppaa tokko tokko baitatanii bilisoomasaniis nijiru. Gabroota bilisooman kanrra seenaa Oromoo waari qoratanii barreeysaniis nituran. Haala kanaan bara 1830fi 1840 namoonni Arooppaa kan seenaa Oromoo barreeysuuf carraaqan nituran. Qorannoo seenaa keenyaa kan har’a godhamaa jiruuf, kun madda tokko tahee argama.

Jalqaba jaarraa 20ffaarraa kaasee seenaa qorattootni Arooppaa, seenaa Oromoo barreeysuuf yaalii guddaa godhaa turan. Keessattuu bara Haayle Sillaasee keessa carraaqiin isaan godhaa turan guddaa ture. Mootoonni Habashaa, akka seenaan Oromoo hin barreeyfamne mala adda addaatiin dura dhaabbachaa turan. Waan qeesotni isaanii dur barreeysanillee dhoksuudhaan, gara biraatiniis akka hin barreeyfamne ittisaa turan. Har’aas itti jiru. Akka seenaan Oromoo hin barreeyfamne, dhiibbaan isaan godhan: tokkoffaa namni akkeka kana qabu, akka dhiisuykn akka kun hindandayamne godhanii itti dhiheessuudhaan harkatti busheessuuf yaalu. Lammmaffaa, akka eehama argatee qormaata kana hingoone karaa itti cufu. Haa tahuu malee, qormaata ummatoota naannoo Kaaba Baha Afrikiirratti godhame keessaa kan Oromoorratti godhameefi godhamaa jiru baayyee guddaadha. Waa’ee ummata Oromoo qorachuun mata duree qormaata guddaa tahee jira.

Seenaa Barreeysitoota Arabaa

Seenaa ummatoota Gaafa Afrikaa warra barreeysan keessaa Arabootiin warra duraati. Keessattu eega amantiin Islaamummaa Gaafa Afrikaatti babl’achuu jalqabe, Araboonni bifa lamaan dhufuu jalqaban. Kuniis bifa amantii babal’isuufi nagadaan ture. Araboonni bifa kanneen keessa tokko ykn lachuutuu, waa’ee Oromoo galmeessanii seenaa barreeysanii jiru. Har’a seenaa Oromoo barreeysuuf qorachuuf maddi tokko barreeysaa Arabootaa taheeti argama. Akkauma haalaafi yeroo isaan barreeysanitti, akkasumas ilaacha isaanirraa kan ka’e, barreeysan isaanii mudaa qabaachuu nidandaya.

Seenaa Oromoo qoratanii barreeysuuf, madda adda addaafi mudaa isaan qaban ilaallee jira. Madda jiran kanatti dhimma bahuudhaan seenaa haqaa barreeysuuf, maddi amansiisaan himamsa afaanif aadaa Oromoti taha. Seenaan afaanii akka barri dheeratuun, ilaalchaafi muxannoo haaraya dabalataa akka demu yaadachaa, qormaata godhamuun seenaa keenya barreysuu nidandeenya. Jarsooliin Oromoo kan seenaa dur beekan utuu hin dhabamin waan godhamuun irra jiru. Maddi kun gayuu akka dandayu irraanfachuun nurra hinjiru.

Hunda caalaa seenaan Oromoo dgaagsuufi guddisuuf qoodni qabsoon qabu guddaa akka tahe dagachuun namarra hinjiru. Sadarkaa har’a ummanni Oromoo ABO jalatti hiriiree kallachaa isaa waliin qabsoorra waan jiruuf, waa’ee ummata Oromoo baruuf gaaffiin ka’aa jiran guuddaadha. Har’a waa’ee Oromorratti qormaata guddaatu beektoota bijyya baayyeen godhamaa jira. Keessattu waggaa 10rnan dabranii as qormaatni kun dabalaatuma jira. Kun tolatti kan dhufe utuu hin tahin, dhaabni waa’ee ummata kanaaf falmu waan jiruufi. Qabsoo godhuun seenaa dabaa jiru sirreessuudha dandaya. Dur namootni hedduun maqaa Gaallaa jedhu malee, maqaa Oromoo hin beekan. Har’a garuu maqaan Oromoo jedhu hundaan beekamee jira. Kun bu’aa qabsoo keenyaati.

Koloneeffattoonni yoomillee taanaan, ummanni isaan koloneeffattan seenaa qabu jedhanii hin yaadan. Seenaa ummata koloneeffatanii dabsanii ykn akka waan hin jirree godhanii dhiheessu. Seena oromoos kan qunnamte kanuma. Qabsoon arra godhaa jirru, seenaa ummata keenyaa gaddhaaba, baduurraa hambisa, alagaan akka qoratuuf karaa bana. Qabsoo keenya finiinsuun sagalee ummata Oromoo baay’atee akka dhagayamu godha, fedhii alagaan waa’ee isaa baruuf godhu guddisee, qormaata irra bal’aatiif karaa bana. Kaanaaf seenaa keenya haga har’aa alagaan barreeyfamee ija qeeqaafi xiinxalaan barata, sabbontonni Oromoo seenaa dhugaa qoratanii bareeysuuf dirqamni akka irra jiru yaadachiifna. Haga har’aatti kan argamees firii qabsoo keenyaati.

Seenaa Barreeysitoota Arabaa

Ummata Oromoo

Ummanni Oromoo jedhamu Gaafa Aafrikaa keessa kan jiraatudha. Kan inni dubbatu afaan Oromooti. Ummanni Oromoo walitti ejjee osoo addaan hincitin, godina kana keessa qubatee argama. Bakka bal’aa irra haaqubatuu malee, afaan tokkicha kan hundi itti waliigalu qaba. Kaabaa-Kibbatti, Bahaa-Dhihatti ummata aadaa tokkicha qabuudha. Diinagdeedhaaniis walirratti irkannoo cimaa qaba. Bara dheeraaf walabmmaan jiraataa turee, dhuma jaara19ffaa keessa alagaan kan koloneeffatameedha. Har’aas waliin dhaabbatee bilisummaa isaatiif lolachaa jira. Kanaaf akkaataan yaadasaa walfakkaata, hawwiifi fedhi siyaasa tokkicha qaba. Kaanfi ummnni Oromoo kan saba tokko kan jedhamuuf.

Damee dhala namaa Afrikaa keessatti argaman keeessa, Orommoon damee kuush jalatti argama. Dameen dhla namaa Afrikaa keessatti argaman:

Haam ykn kuush

Seem

Neegiroo

Buushmeen ykn Hotteentoos

Negirilloos jedhamu. Dameen kuush bakka gurguddaa lamatti addaa qoodaman. Kuush Kaabaafi Bahaatti warri argaman:

Beejjaa , Berberiins (barbara,nuuba), Oromoo, Sumaaleefi saboota Kibba empaayera Tophiyaa jala jirani, garuu isaan dhiiga Neegiroo wajjiin walmakuun hin’oolle. Misroota duriifi haaraya. Ummata kana keessa hammi hammi tokko dhiiga gara biraa makachuu hin’oolle.

Kuush (haam) Kaabaa keessaatti warri argaman ammoo, Berbersii, Siraanaayikaa, Trippolitaaniyaa, Tuniisiyaa, Aljeeriyaa, Berbersii Morookkoo, Tureegfi Tiibuu saharaa fuulbe dhiha Suudaaniifi Gu’aanchee warra kanaari Aayland keessaati.

Ummanni Oromoo saboota Gaafa Afrikaa keessatti argaman keesssaa isa guddaadha. Lakkooysi ummata Oromoo kan har’a kolnii Toophiyaa jala jiru duwwaan miliyoona 20 ol nitaha. Biyyoota Afrikaa keessaa kan baayyina namaatiin Oromoo caalan afur qofa, akka sabaatti yoo fudhanne, sabni Oromoo, saba tokkicha guddaa Gaafa Afrikaa, tarii kan Afrikaati. Ummata Empaayera Toophiyaa har’aa kessaa walakkaa ol kan tahan Oromoota maqaa “Gaallaa” jedhu.

Ormoon maqaa gaallaa jedhu kanaan akka ofi hinyaamne, seenaa barreeysitoonni raagaa nibahu. Fakkeenyaaf namichi Chaarles T. Beke jedhamu bara 1847tti yeroo barreeyse- “isaan maqaa boonaa Ilma Oromoo” jedhuun ofwaamu, garuu warri Habashaa Gaallaa jedhuun waamu” jedhe. Ummanni Oromoo eega maqaa kanaan ofhinwaamne, maddi isaa eessa taha? Hundee maqaa kanaatiifi hiikkaa isaarratti wanti odeeyfameefi barreeyfame hedduudha.

1. Oromoon dur hogguu lola dhaqee, yeroo moo’ee ykn moo’amee jedhu ” Kootta ni gallaa” jedhee walwaama. Kootta nigallaa isa inni jedhurraa maqaan “gaallaa” dhufe warri jedhan nituran.

2. Oromoon dur gaala waan tiiysuuf, akkasumaas fe’atee waan demuuf yeroo inni gaala jedhu dhagayanii 2. “gaallaa” ittiin jedhan jedhu:

dur ummata gosa “Gool” jedhamuutu Faransaayii keessa ture, maqaan achirraa dhufee jedhanii warri odeessu nijiru.

Namichi Yihuudii kan Abbaa Balzezar Tellez jedhamu ammoo, jechi “Gaallaa” jedhuu kun afaan Hibiruufi Giriikirraa dhfeedha jedha. Afaan hibiruufi Girikii kessati “gala2 jechuun “aannan” jechuudha. Kanaaf achirraa dhufuun nimala jedhu.

Habashoonni ammoo, maqaa gaalaa jedhu kanaaf hiikkaa kannanii jiru. Namichi kassate Birhaan Tassammaa kan guuboo (kuusa) jechoota afaan Amaaraa barreeyse yeroo hiike: Gaalaa jechuun aramanee, yaal salaxxanee, cakkanyi, ye amaaraa xilaat” jechuudha, jedhee jira. Barreeysaan amaaraa gara biraan ammoo, dhugaa jiru lafa kaayee jira. Maqaa Gaallaa jedhu kan kanneef warra Habashaa,warra qomaaxaafi beela biyya keenyati fideedha. Akka inni jedhetti “isaan Oromoodha ofiin jedhan, garuu Amaarri immoo, “Gaallaa” jedhaan” maqaa kanaan dura Oromoo yaamuu kan jalqabe Amaara tahuun ifa ta’a. Biyyoonni ollaafi warri Arooppaas isaanirraa fudhachuun isaanii dirree ta’a.

Amaarri maqaa kanaan Oromoota yaamuun jibbiinsaafi diinummaa, akkasumas garaagarummaa karaa amantii isaanii gidduu jirurratti kan hundaa’eedha. Kuniis battala Oromootaafi Habashootni walqunnamanitti, Oromoon amantiilee guddaa lamaan keessaa hinqabu ture. Habashoonni lafa Oromoo irraafudhachuuf fedhii waan qabaniif, Oromoon ammoo, biyyaa saa irra jabaatee waan ittiseef, jibbiinsaafi diinummaa guddaatu gidduu isaanii jira. Kanaaf maqaan “Gaallaa” jedhu kan diinni Oromootaaf baaseef, maqaa balfachuufi tuffii tahee argama.

Har’a Oromoo ta’ee kan maqaa Gaallaa jedhuun ofwaamu hinjiru. Yoo jiraatees nama doofa (sodaataa) isa dhumaa ykn qaamaan duwwaa utuu hintaane, kan sammuu dhaaniis gabroome qofa. Seenaa qorattoonni addunyaa, gaazeexoonni biyya adda addaafi raadiyoon addunyatti lallaban hundi maqaa “Gaallaa” jedhu dhiisanii Oromotti dhimma bahaa jiru. Kun bu’aa qabsoo Oromoo akka tahe ifaadh

Madda saba Oromoo

Maddi ummata tokko lafa akkasii, goleefi boolla akkasii keessaa jedhanii himuun baay’ee nama rakkisa; hin barbaachisuus ture. Ummanni tokko akka bineessaa boolla keessaa jiraataa turee, gaaf tokko akka waakkoo kan olba’uumiti. Idiletti maddi saba sanaa damee dhala namaa irraa gosa akkasii keessaati jechuun nigaya ture. Madda saba Oromoos hoggaa xiinxalan haala kana hordafuun quubsaa ture. Haa tahuu malee seenaa Oromoo warri barreeysan dabsaa waan turaniif dirqitti waa’ee madda Oromoo kaafnee xiinxaluun barbaachisa taha.

Maddi saba Oromoo eessa? Gaaffii jedhu namoonni adda addaa akka adda addaati deebisu. Isaan kaan akka yaada isaan dhiheessanitti yooo adda qoodne:

Waan qeesoonni Habasha barreeysan,.

Aafrikaa alaa dhufe warra jedhan

Aafrikaa keessaa golee tokko lafa kaa’uu warri barbaadaniifi

Himamsa afaan Oromootaatti adda baasuu nidandeenya

Isaan kana tokko tokkoon haalaalluu.

Waan qeesootni Habasha barreeysan

Qeesotnii Habashaa Oromoo ija diinummaatiin waan laalaniif kan isaan barreeysan dhugaa irraa fagoodha. Jibbiinsi isaan Oromoodhaaf qaban waan guddaa taheef, haga namummaa Oromoo haalanitti gahu.

Alaqaa Taayye kan jedhu “akkata Gaallaan bishaan keessa itti bahan beeksisa.” Jedhee barreeyse. Gaalloonni bishaan keessaa waan bahaniif qurxummii hin nyaatan. Kanaafiis bishaanitti waaqeeyfathu jeddha.

Astime Gi’orgs kan jedhu ammoo, Gaallaan ilmaan sheeyxaanaati jechuu kajeela. Kanaan utuu hindhaabbatin oduu afaanii kan balfachuuf odeeffaman fhudhatee hiddi sanyii Oromoo gabra jadhee barreeyse. Namichi Jalqaba laali Maatewoos jedhamu tokko gabra heedduu qaba ture. Gabroota isaa kana waan miidheef jalaa badanii biyya (lafa) gara kibbaa jirutti galan. Namoonni amala gadhee qabaniifi yakkaman badanii itti dabalamuudhaan achitti walhoran. Kana boodde Habahsaa weeraran jedhee barreetsee jira. Qeesootni Habashaa kun madda Oromoo barreeysina jedhanii tuffiifi ija jibbansa Oromoof qaban dirretti himanii jiru. Wanti isaan barreeysan kan dhugaarraa fagaate waan taheef hedduu wajjiin cinqamuu hinqabnu.

Aafriika alaatti akeekuu warra barbaadan

Hindii:- Oromoon Aafriikaa ala, hindiirraa dhufe warri jedhaniis nijiru. Oromoon dur biyya Hindii keessa jiraataa turer , booda bidiruudhaan garba Hindii cahee gara Maadagaaskar dhufe. Achirraa gara Taanzaaniyaatti cahee booda Keeniyatti babal’ate jedhu. Gaarri Kilmanjaaroo jedhamu afaan Oromootiin tulluu janjaaroo jechuudha jedha. Monbaasaa jechuun bobbaa sa’aa jechu, Naayroobi jechuun naaroobi, keeniyaa jechuun keennya jechuudha jedhu. Maqaalee kana Oromoon keennuufi ykn akka tasaatti walkiphuun nimala. Garuu Oromoon Hindiirraa dhufuu har’a wanti mirkaneessau hinjiru. Ummata har’a Hindii keessa jiraatan keessa kan aadaadhaafi seenaadhaan Oromoo fakkaatan tokkolleen hinjiru. Oromoon beekkumsa bidiruu tolchuus hinqabu. Kanaaf garba Hindii guddaa kana akkamitti cehuu danda’a? Oromoon Hindiirraa dhufe jechuun dhugaa hintahu.

Faransayii :- Oromoon dur Faransaayii ture; kan jechuu barbaadaniis nijiru. Biyya Faransaayii keessa gosa Gool jedhamtu ture. Kanaaf Oromoon (Gaallaan) achirraa dhufuun nimala jedhu. Haatahuu malee kana wanti mirkaneessu hinjiru.

Faarsii:- Oromoon Faarsiirraa dhufe jechuu warri barbaadan nijiru. Kanaas Islaamoota qarqara Galaanaa jiraatantu jedhu. Namichi M.D Abdi’e jedhamu yeroo galmeessu hundeen ykn shanyiin saba Oromoo ijoollee dubraa obbalaa sadii turan. Isaaniis dubartoota Jarusalaam(Iyyerusalam) ; booda sanyiin isaanii walhoranii baay’anaan mootummaa Kibbaa isaanii (Arabiyaa) jiru weeraran. Sana booddee karaa Baab-el-mandab gara Aafriikaatti cehann jedhu.

Konii Israa’eel:- seenaa barreeysaan Yehuudii kan abbaa Belzezar jedhamu ammoo, waan dinqii katabe. Oromoonni kolonii Israa’eel turan jechuu barbaade. Abbaan Belzezar Tellez akka jedhutti dur ummtni kun adii ture. Israa’iiliitu isaan bulchaa ture. Bara Israa’iloonni faca’an ummatni kun Aafrikaatti cehanii naannoo kaaba baha Afrikaa keessa qubatan jedha. Kun eegaa yaada tasa namaaf hinfudhatamneefi waan mirkana tahees kan hinqabneedha.

Yaadni Oromoon Afrikaa alaa dhufe jedhu dhugaa waan hinqabneedha. Seenaa mirkanii hinqabne akkasii tana fudhatanii babal’isuuf warri tattaafatan akeeka qabau. Keessattu warri seema Afrikaa alarraa waan dhufaniif kan Oromoos kanatti harkisuu barbaadu. Oromoon osoo Hindii, Fransaayii, ykn giddu galeessa bahaarraa dhufe tahee ummatni aadaan, afaaniin, qaamaafi seenaan Oromoo wajjiin walfakkaatu achitti argamuutu irra jira. Garuu har’a Hindii, Fransaayiifi Faarisii keessatti kana hinarginu. Kanaafu maddi saba Oromoo Afrikaa alaamiti. Ummatni Oromoo, ummata Afrikaa qulqulluu keessaa isa tokko thuun hin mamsiisu.

Afrikaa keessa golee tokko warri akkekuu yaalan

Ummatni Oromoo ummatoota kuush keessaa tokko akka ta’ee mamiin hinjiru. Kuush ammoo, damee dhala namaa keessaa isa tokko tahee Afrikaa keessatti kan argamuudha. Kanaaf Afrikaa keessaa bakka madda Oromoo akeekuuf yaalame haalaallu.

Duuchaa dhumtti Oromoon toora sabbata lafaa (equator) irraa dhufe warri jedhan nijiru. Maddi ummata Oromoo ammoo, Hora Viktooriyaati warri jedhaniis nijiru. Oromoon Suudaan keessaa bakka Sinaar jedhamuu ka’ee karaa Gojjaamiifi Tulluu walaliin seene warri jedhaniis nijiru. Jechoonni kun hundinuu waan qorannoodhaan mirkanwuu qabaniidha.har’a ummatoota Burundiifi Ruwaandaa keessa jiraatan keessaa sanyiin isaanii gara Oromootti warri dhihaatan nijiru. Garuu Oromootu dur achi turee irraa godaneefi, isaantu gara sanatti godaananii wanti beekamu hinjiru. Qormaata gahaa barbaada.

Qeesiin Amaaraa Abbaa Baahiree jedhamu bara 1593tti hoggaa waa’ee ummata Oromoo barreeyse.

Oromoonni gara dhihaarraa laga biyya saanii kan galaana jedhamu cehanii, bara Atsee waang Saggad gara huduuda Baallii dhufa” jedhee ture. Algni galaana jedhamu har’a adda hinbahu. Oromoon lagaan galaana jedhee ni waama. Tarii inni Abba Baahireen jedhu kun laggeen gannaalee, wabee, saganfi walmal ykn Dawwaa keessaa tokko tahuun nimala. Naannoo Baalli jedhamu kutaa har’a Baale jedhamuun walitti fakkeessuun hintahu. Seena qorqttoonni Baahiree booda garii haala gaafas Oromoon lafa isaa deebifachuuf sosso’aa itti ture hubachuu dhbuu irraa, waan Baahireen barreeyse fudhatanii waan Baahireen barreeyse fudhatanii madda ummata Oromoo himu. Haathuu malee, Baahireen madda Oromoo Afrikaa keessatti akeeka malee ala hinbaafne.

Maddi Oromoo Afrikaa kessa tahuu isaa seena barreessitoonni hedduun amananii jiru. Haathuu malee, Afrikaa keessaa naannoo Kaaba-Bahaa tahee achi keessatti golee tokkotti Oromoo murteessuuf warri tattaafatan nijiru. Isaan kana keessaa warra bebeekkamoo duwwaa ilaalla. Namni biyya Xaliyaanii Enrikoo cheruulii jedhamu, maddi saba Oromoo fiinxee Gaafa Afrikaa, Kaaba bahaa Somaaliyaa naannoo mijerteeniyaati jedha. I:M: Luwiis kan jedhamuus waan Cheruuliin jedhe kan fudhachuudhaan seenaa Somaalee barreeyse. Obboo Yilmaa Dheereessaas yaaduma Cheruulii kan hundee fudhachuun maddi OromooKaaba-baha Soomaaliyaati jedha. Cheruulli irraa jalqabanii seenaa qorattoonni yaada kan dhugoomsuuf akkas jedhan: “maddi Oromoo Majarteeniyaa ture. Somaaloonni yeroo sana Oromoorraa gara Kaabaa naannoo Barbaraafi Zayilaa turan. Jaarra 1ffaa ykn 11ffaa keessa Arbitichii Sheek ismaa’il jedhamu biyya Somaalee dhufe. Dubartii Somalee fudhee gosa daroot irraa hore. Qur’aana isaan barsiisee IslaameesseÃƒÆ’Ã†â€™Ãƒâ€šÃ‚Â¢ÃƒÆ’Ã‚Â¢ÃƒÂ¢Ã¢â€šÂ¬Ã…Â¡Ãƒâ€šÃ‚Â¬ÃƒÆ’Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ãƒâ€šÃ‚Â¦jaarraa12ffaa keessa bakka turan -Barbaraafi Zayilaarraa warraaqanii Oromoo waraanuu jalqaban. Oromoon dura dhaabachuu waan hindandayiniif jalaa siqaa Ogaadeen seenan. Booddee Somaaloonni waan itti jabaataniif, Oromoonni jalaa sossohanii Waabi Shabeellee cehanii qubatan.

Yaadni isaan dhiheessan akka tocho’iinsa (godaansa) Oromookan jaarraa 16ffaa ragaa ni taha kan jedhaniidha. Yyadni kun Oromoofi Somaalee gidduu karaa antrippoloojii hidhata jiru haaluudha. Oromoofi Somaaleen yeroo kamii jalqabanii adda bahanii, kopha kophatti gara sabaatti dagaaguugu jalqaban gaaffii jedhuuf deebii gahaa dura argachuu barbaachisa. Tarii yeroon Oromoofi Somaaleen gosa tokko turanii waliin naannoo jedhame keessa jiraatan jiraachuun nimala.

Yaadni Oromoon Kaaba baha Somaaliyaarraa madde jedhu hamma 1963tti beektoota baay’een waan fudhatamee ture. Yaada kana kan faalleessu qorannoon godhomee Habarlaand nama jedhamuun ture. Oromoon Somaaliyaa keessaa dhibamee dhufe osoo hintaane, baddaa Baalee keessa jiraata ture. Habarland hoggaa kana ibsu. Oromoonni kan maddan Kaaba Somaalee keessa osoo hintaane baddaa Baalee irraati. Achitti gosa tokko tahanii horii horsiifachuu qofaan utuu hin thin qotiinsaan bulan. Dongoraadhaan qotuu turan. Garbuus facaafatu. Booda walitti baay’anaan karaa hundaan, gara Somaaletti hamma Bur-haqabaafi Mija-rteenitti, gara Booranaafi Keeniyaatti hamma laga xaanaatti, gara Habashaattis hamma daangaa Tigraayitti, hamma Suudaaniifi hararitti bittinnaa’an” jedhe.

Habarlaandaan kan irratti dabalee yaada Oromoonni Somalootan dhibaamanii gara naannoo har’a jiraatanitti faca’an jedhu kun waan hinfakkaanne tahuu isaa ibsa. Yaada Habaralaandi kan kan warrra kaanirraa kan adda isa godhu, Oromoon baddaa Baalee keessa qubatee qonna qotataa kan ture malee, jaarraa beekama tokko keessa akka awwaannisaa ka’ee kan godaane akka hintaane ibsuu isaati.

Yaada Habarlandaa kan deeggaru, seenaa qorattoonni adda addaa yaada darbatanii jiru. Charles T.beke barreeyfama isaa kan 1847 barreeyse keessatti Oromoon lafa gammoojjii, lafa naannoo Somaaleeti kan dhfteemiti jedha. Naannoo isaan dura turan, lafa gaara qabu, baddaa tahuu qaba jedha.bifti Oromoo akka inni ummata gammoojjii (negiroo) hin taane ragaa nitaha. Habashaarraa gara kibbaa ummata jiraataa ture, lafti isaa badda, nannoon isaa galaanni ykn bishaan guddaan turuu nimala. Beekeen yaada isaa akkasitti hogga lafa kaayu, kan Habarlaandi wajjiin waliitti dhufa. Tellez kan jedhamuus Oromoon lafa Baalliifi galaana hindii gidduu jiru keessaa jiraataa ture jedha. Kanaaf wanti qorattoonni kun jedhan idileetti Oromoon lafa baddaa kaaba baha Afrikaa keessa jiraataa ture kan jedhuudha.

Hunda caalaatti qorannoo irraa bal’aa gochuudhaan, uummatni Oromoo ummata Afrikaa qulqulluu tahuu isaa kan addeesse Harbert S. Luwiis jedhama. Waa’ee madda saba Oromoo qorachuudhaaf S.Luwiis waan lama gurguddaa irratti hundaawe.

Qormaata afaanoota kush Bahaafi

Himamsa aadaati.

Luwis afaanoota ummatoota kuush afurtamii-torba keessaa kan Kuusha bahaa warra baay’ee waliitt dhihaatan 24 qorate. Afaanootni kun, akka walfakkaatanitti bakka afuritti qoode. Afaanootni kaan bara dheeraaf wailirraa adda waan turaniif malee, hundi isaanii dur tokko akka tahan addeesse. Herbert.S.Luwis ummatoota Kuush bahaa keessaa kanneen baay’ee Oromoo wajjiin walfakkaatu qoratee, madda Oromoo hoggaa ibsu:

Hunda caalaa afaan isaanii Afaan Oromoo wajjiin kan walfakkaatu kan ummata Koonsoo, Gidoollee, Gatoo, Arboora, Gaawwata, Waraasa, Tsemaayiifi Galab kan isaan argaman Toophiyaarraa gara kibba har’a biyya Gamuugoofa jedhamtu keessa., Hora Abbyyaafi Caamoorraa gara kibbaatti nannooa laga Sagaanifi Duulee keessa. Jaarraa baay’een fuuldura afaan Oromoo afaanoota jara kanaa wajjiin tokkicha tur. Booda eega afaan hunda isaanii adda babahee raaw’atee Oromoon gara dhihaarraa kan hafe gara hundatti yeroo socha’u jarri kaan achuma biyya isaanii kan duritti hafan. Kanaafiis Oromoonni tooruma Haroo Abbaayyaatiifi Caamoo naannoo lageen saganiifi Duulee turan jedhee jira. As keessaatti Harbert S.Luwis warra kaan caalaa bakka beekamaa tokko lafa kaayuuf carraaqe. Qormaanni inni godhe kun, saboota kaani wajjiin walbiraqabee waan taheef irra bal’aadha. Haatahuu malee, Oromoon bara kanarraa kaasee akkamitti saboota kanaa wajjiin adda bahee kophatti saba tahuu jalqabe gaaffiin jedhu ammallee qormaata barbaada. Sabootni ollaa walii jiran waldhibuu nijiraata, yeroo tokko inni tokko jabaatee hoggaa lafa isaa bal’ifatu, lafti isa kaani ammoo nidhiphata. Haalli kun wal jijjiree jiraata. Qormaata Harbertirraa akka hubannutti maddi saba Oromoo naannoo lageen saganiifi Duuleeti. Garuu madda saba Oromoo lafa dhiphaa akkasii keessatti hidhuun qormaata boru godhamuuf nama rakkisa. Qormaata gara biraatiin utubamuu qaba. Jalqaba laali

Madda ummata Oromoo bira gahuuf, himamsi aadaa bakka guddaa qaba. Seenaan afaaniin dabru madda seenaa keessaa isa jabaa tahullee waan bara dheeraan duraa himuurraatti mudaa hinqabaatin hin hafu. Hammi afaaniin waltti dabarsaa fidan yeroo wajjiin ni jijjiirama, kaniis irraanfatamuun nimala. Haatahuu malee, seenaa tokko barreeysuu keessaatti qooda guddaa qaba. Xasoo Magiraa qormaata seenaa Oromoo godhe keessatti himamsa aadaaf bakka guddaa kenne jira. Manguddoota Oromoo kutaa adda addaa keessa jiran gaafatee, hundi saanii naannoo walitti dhihoo tahe akka himatan bira gahe.

1. Jaarsooliin Ituufi Humbanna (Harargee) afaan tokkoon mormorii dhufne jedhu. Mormor kutaa Baalee naannoo Dalloofi Mandooyyuu jedhaman keessaa qarqara laga Gannaaleetti argama.

2. Jaarsooliin Arsii naannoo Bareedduu Kurkurruu jedhamu himatu. Kuniis Baalee keessatti lageen walamaliifi Mannaa giddutti argama. Laggeen kun Baddaa Baalee keessaa burqanii Konyaalee Dalloofi Mandooyyuurraa yaa’anii Gannaaleetti galu.

Oromoon Wardaayi Keeniyaa keessatti kan argaman Tullu Nam-durii dhufne jedhu. Mangddoonni Booranaas Tulluu Nam-durii kana himatu. Tulluun Nam-dur kan argamu Baalee keessaa Koonyaa Dalloofi laga walmaliifi Gannaalee giddutti.

Oromoonni Maccaafii Tuulama oggaa gaafataman afaan tokkoon, Haroo Walaabuu himatu. Walaabuun kan aragamu Baale keessa Konyaa Dalloo laga Gannaalee qarqaratti ganda Bidree jedhamtu cinatti.

Ormoonni Gujii bitaafi mirga laga Gannaalee naannoo Girjaarraa dhufne jedhu. Girjaan kutaa Sidaamoo Awraajjaa Jamjam keessatti gara mummee laga Gannaaleetti argama.

Eegaa himamsa aadaa kanarraa akka hubatamuu dandayutti Oromoon Afrikaa alaa akka dhufe wanti akeeku hinjiru. Oromoon as Afrikaa keessaa akka ture, keessattuu Kaab baha Afrikaa keessa akka ture argisiisa. Himamsi aadaa kun kan akeeku Ormoon Kutaalee har’a Sidaamoofi Baale jedhaman keessaa Konyaalee Dalloo, Mandooyyuufi Jamjam keessa akka jiraata tureedha. Ormoon yeroo dheeraadhaaf naannoo kan jiraate jechuun ni dandaya. Haa tahuu malee, Ormoon asitti dhalate jechuuf qormaata irra bal’aa kan hariiroo ummatoota kuush wajjiin jiru xiixaluu barbaachisa.ummatni tokko gaafuma tokkotti bakka tokkotti kan dhalatuumiti. Dagaagina dhala nama kan yeroo fudhatu keessa dabree kophatti bahee ummata mataa isaa dandahe taha. Xumuramuudhaaf kan jedhuu dandayu, ummatni Oromoo ummata Gaafa Afrikaa keessaa isa tokko, damee kuush keessatti argama, yeroo dheeraa irraa kaasee kaaba-baha Afrikaa keessa jiraate, har’aas jiraataa jira.

Lola Amntiifi Miidhaa Oromoorra gahe jaarraa 10ffaa _15ffaa

Amantiin Kiristaanaafi Islaamaa Gaafaa Afrikaa walduraa duubaan seenaan. Amantiin Kiristaanaa jaarraa 4ffaa keessa warra Habashaa keessaa seenee amantii warra mootii tahe. Mootoonni Habashaa Kiritaanummaa fudhatanii saboota kaaniis fudhachiisuu jalqaban. Amaantiin Islaamaa gara Afrikaatti kan cehuu jalqabde Jaarraa 7ffaa keessa ture. Nagadaafi Islaamummaa babal’isuun walqabatanii gara Afrikaa qarqara galaana diimaarraa bakka heddutti faca’e. Jaarraa 10fi12 giduutti lafaa qarqara galaana diimaa bira dabree godina kana keessatti babal’achuu jalqabe. Hawwiin babal’achuu amantii kana lamaanii, waldura dhaabbatee lola lubbuufi qabeenya ummata godina kana balleessuuf deemsifame. Lolli kun keessattuu ummata Oromoorraan miidhaa gudda gahe.

Oromootniifi Affaarootni walitti aananii qubatan. Giddu saaniitti lafa irra tiikfatan bal’ifachuuf waldhiibuu irratti lolli sadarkaa adda addaatti ture. Lafa bishaaniifii margaa qaburraa waldhiibanii gumaa gidduu isaaniitti argamu manguddoota gosaan fixachuun niture. Haalli kun garuu eega amantiin Islaamaa Affaaroota seenee jalqabe bifa amantii babal’isuu dabalatee cimaadhufe. Affaarootni lafa Oromoorraa dhiibanii qabatan mootooma Islaamaa tolfachuu jalqaban.

Affaarootni amantii Islaamummaa fudhatanii mootooma dhaabbachuu haajalqaban malee, haalli isaan keessa turan gaariimiti. Islaamummaa hundaan hinfudhanne, kanaafuu isaan jidduu waldhabbiin niture. Tokkooma gosa tokkicha jalatti waan hin sassaabamneef haala faffaca’ee keessa turan. Mootoomni Islaamaa dhaabbataniin xixiqqoo faffaca’oo turan. Mootoomni Islaamaa hoggaas uumaman Ifaat, Adaal, Harar, Awwusaa,ÃƒÆ’Ã†â€™Ãƒâ€šÃ‚Â¢ÃƒÆ’Ã‚Â¢ÃƒÂ¢Ã¢â€šÂ¬Ã…Â¡Ãƒâ€šÃ‚Â¬ÃƒÆ’Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ãƒâ€šÃ‚Â¦turan. Mootoomni hoggaa Ifaat keessatti dhaabbate Walashama jedhamee beekama.

1. Motomni Islaamaa kun hawwii lama-sdii qabu turan. Isaaniis:

2. Amantii Islaamaa babal’suu

3. Daandii nagadaa harkatti galfachuufi

4. Daga gabbataa tahe qabachuudha.

Kanaaf Oromoota olla isaanii jiran dhiibuu jalqaban. Jaarraa 13ffaa keessa Oromoota naannoo Faxagariifi Dawwaaroo keessaa arihanii dhufatan, achiirraa dhaabbatanii Baalliifi Daraaratti duulanii Oromoota amantii Islaamaa Fudhachiisan. Bakka kanatti mootooma Islaamaa tolafatan. Babal’ifannoon Islaamaa kun Habashoota yaaddeesse. Hawwii isaan Kiristaanumma babal’isuuf qaban dura dhaabbate.

Islaamummaan babal’atee, Oromoota daga isaaniirraa dhiibee yeroo daga kiristaanaatti dhihaate kana, Habashoonni rakkina keessa turan. Yeroon kun yeroo mootummaan Aksum caphee harka Agawutti gale, lolli Agawootaafi Habashoota jiddutti tahe, yeroo humni isaanii itti laaffisuudha. Eega Agawuun qabatees lolli Habashoota jiddutti deemaa waan tureef, humni isaanii keessatti nilaaffate. Mootonni Agaw kan Zaaguwee jedhamee beekamu, hamma walkkeessa jaarraa 13ffaatti irra turee booda moo’ame. Habashoonni aangotti deebi’an. Habashoonni eegasii human isaanii jabeeyfatanii dhiibbaa Islaamoota ykn Affaarootaa dura dhaabbachuu jalqaban.

Bara 1250rraa kaasee lolli kiristaanafi Islaama jiddutti yeroo dheeraaf godhame jalqabe. Habashoonni Affaaroota ofjalatti gabbarsiisuu, dagaafii mantii isaanii babal’ifachuuf babal’ina amantii Islaamaa dhaabuuf; Affaarootniniis daga bal’ifachuufi, babal’ina amantii kiristaanaa dhaabuuf tattaafataa turan. Lamaanuu daga Oromoo kan hoggaa Affaarootni dhunfatanirratti waan walqunnamaniif lolli hedduun lafa Oromoorratti tahan. Wallolli Kiristaanaafi Islaama giddutti jalqabame itti fufe, bara Imaam Ahmed sadarkaa guddaarraa gahee hamma Oromoon Gadaan ofjaaree ka’etti deeme. Habashoonnifi Islaamoonni daga Oromoo Faxagar, Dawwaaroofi Baalli keessatti wallolanii qabeenya Oromoo saamuudhaan dabree ofcimsaa turan. Lola kana keessatti hedduu kan hubame Oromoodha. Ormoon qabeenya saamamee, lubbu namni heedduu irraa dhumanii, miidhaa guddaan irra gahe. Umanni Oromoo diina isaa lachuu ofirraa lolaa lafa isaa deebifachuuf tattaafachaa ture.

Lolli Habashootaafi affaaroot jidduu bara mootii Habashaan Yagiba Tsiyoon (1285-94) jalqabame. Yagibaan Tsiytoon Adaalitti duulee cabsee irra aane. Duula isaa kana booddee Islaamoota wajjiin araara uume, akka nagadoonni Islaamaa biyya seenaan yeroo eehamu, isaafiis karaan kennamee ABUNA alaa fidachuu dandaye. Yagbia Tsiytoon gaafa du’e ijoolleen isaa aangoorratti walqabuu jalqaban. Haala kana keessatti Habashaan deebi’ee laaffate. Affaarootni haala kan hubatanii ifatti weeraruuf human walitti qabachuu jalqaban. Yeroo kan Habashoonni Affaarootaaf daga dhiisanii araaraman. Araarri kun ammallee fedhii babal’ifannoo Islaamaa quubsuu didee ifaan ifatti weeraruuf qophii gochuu jalqaban. Dhiibbaan Islaamootaa Habashoota walitti itichee sabboonummaa keessatti dagaagse.

Yagiba Tsiyoon booddee waggaa saddeettamaaf Habashoonni eega waljeeqanii booda Amde Tsyoon (1314-44) aangoo qabate. Amde Tsyoon Habashaa daddaaqamuu kana keessaa baasee walitt itichee jabeesse. Kanaaf bu’ureessaa mootummaa Habashaa jedhamee beekama. Bara isaa keessa Habashoonni weerara gurguddaa Affaarootarratti oofanii milkaawan. Amde Tsyoon lola isaa ifatti rukutuun jalqabe. Sulxaan Ifaat bulchaa ture, haqaddiin nama jedhamu ture. Haqq-ad-diin Habashaa loluudhaaf osoo qopkhirra jiruu, ergamaa Habashaa kan Kaayroodhaa galu Islaamummaa fudhachiisuuf yaalee dinnaan ajjeese. Amde Tsyoon kana sababa godhatee bara 1328tti Ifaatitti duula bobbaase. Ifaatiin rukutee moo’e. Haqqaddiin booji’ame. Amde Tsyoon Faxagaariis rukutee eega ofjala galchee booda oobaleessa Haqqaddiin Sabnaddiin itti shuume. Eega Amde Tsyoon deebi’e booda Sabnaddiin Habasharratti fincila kaasuu yaade. Mootummaan Islaama Adiyyaafi Baaletti ergatee akka issaf tumsan gaafate. Agawuttiis dhaamsa ergee akka isaan keessaan itti ficilanii humna mootichaa tamasaasan gaafate. Akeekni isaa Habashatti, karaa lamaa sadiin duulanii of giddutti rukutuu ture. Amde Tsyoon garuu mala isaani kana dafee bira gahee, diinoota saa tokko tokkoon rukutuu jalqabe. Dura hadiyyaa cabse, achii Faxagar, itti aansee Dawwaaroofi Ifaat rukutee cabse. Affaarootiifi Islaamoonni akkasitti saphatti kan cabuu dandayaniif 1 ) mootummaa xixiqqotti waan adda qoodamanii turaniif 2) ummanni isaanii irra guddaa waan tiikfatteefi godaantuu waan tahaniif ture. Amde Tsyoon Faxagar, Dawwaaroo, Ifaatfi Hadiyyaa dhunfatee nama Jamaal addiin jedhamu irratti shuumee gara daga issaatti deebi’e.

Kun lola Habashootaaf Affaaroota jidduu hoggaa tahu Faxagariifi Dawwaaroo keessattiis Oromootaafii Habashoota gidduutti lolli niture. Bara 11329-32tti hoggaa Amde Tsiyoon Faxagariifi Dawwaarotti duulaa ture, lola guddaatu tahee ture. Lola kanan Oromoota hedduutu dhume, qabeenyaan saamamee daangaa hinqabu. Lola balleessi kan lubbuufi qabeenya hinbararre waan taheef, Oromoonni Faxagariifi Dawwaaroo gad dhiisanii jalaa godaanuun dirqii itti tahe. Deebisaanii qabachuuf haa lolan malee, bara Amde Tsiyoon kana keeessatti Oromootni osoo dhiibamnii qarqara laga awaashiin gayan. Ormoon waan qabu fudhatee sababa jalaa godaaneef, keessa qubatanii bulcuu hindandeenye. Duula isaa qideeyfachuuf akka tahuufitti Amde Tsiyoon kaampii waraanaa Manzitti tolfate. Bara isaa kanaa jalqabee Habashoonni qubsuma waraanaa lafa Oromoo keessatti ijaarrachuu jalqaban.

Affaarootni eega bara Amde Tsiyoon cabanii moohamanii hamma 1441tti bayyanachuu hindandeenye. Ifaatiifi naannoo sanarraa fagaatanii ofjaaruu jalqaban. Dakar, Harariifi Awusaatti deebi’anii humna isaanii jabeeyfatanii duulaa turan. Garuu habashaa injifachuu hindandeenye. Bara 1441tti Affaarootni Adaal jedhaman Habashatti lola bananii mohaman. Affaarootni naannoo Awusaafi warri amantii hinfudhatiniis bulchiinsa Habashaa didanii walaqabatanii ficila kaasan. Baayidaa Maariyam (1478-94) waraana karaa lama 1473/74tti itti erge.waraanni lachuu nimoohame. Injifatamuun waraana Habashaa kun jabinafi ol’aantummaa isaa dhabamsiise, eegasii humni gad deemuu jalqabe.

Lolli Oromootaafi Habashoota jidduu hoo? Oromoon bara Amde Tsiyoon Faxagariifi Dawwaaroo keessaa dhiibamanii qarqara laga hawaash ga’anii lolli hindhaabbanne. Mootoomni Habashaa kan Amde Tsiyoon booda dhufaniis Oromoo dhiibuurraa turan. Bara Zara Yaaqoob (1434-68) mootii Habashaa ture waraanni Habashaa Baallii keessatti dhiibachaa ture. Yeroo tokko waraanni Zara Yaaqoobfi Oromootni naannoo Haroo Laangannootti wallolanii turan. Oromoota Baallii keessaa baasuuf haa dhiibaman malee, daga sana dhufachuu hindandeenye. Kuniis Oromoonni looniifi ilmaan isaanii jalaa godaansisanii gaafa dadhabban waan miliqaniif ture. Waraanni Habashaa daga isaarraa fagaatee dhufe kun, waan nyaatu dhabee yeroo beela’u deebi’ee galuuf dirqame. Waraana laafee jiru kana Oromoon karatti eegee daguun rukutee hedduu irraa fixe. Kanaaf lafa Oromoo keessa qubachuu hindandeenye.

Bara 1445tti Oromootni Dawwaroo deebifachuuf lola itti banan. Zara Yaaqoob itti duulee injifate. Waraanni Habashaa duula godhee eega raaw’ate booda gara daga isaatti yeroo debi’u Oromonni ammoo lola jalqabu. Haala duula ba’uufi galu kana xiqqeessuuf, Habashoonni boroo Baallii keessa qubsuma waraana gara biraa tolfatan. Achirraa Dawwaarootti duuluu jalqaban. Lolli kun haaluma kanaan takka ka’ee takka dhaamaa, hamma bara 1468tti itti fufe, dhumarratti Zara Yaaqoob Dawwaaroo keessatti lolarratti moohamee harka Oromootti du’e.

Zara Yaaqoob booddee Baa’ida Maariyam (1468-78) aangoo qabatee duula Oromoorratti godhuu ittifufe. Duula inni Baallii qabachuuf godhe keessatti Oromootni humna isaarraa hedduu fixan. Yeroof Oromo cabsuu dadhaban. Habashoonni qubsuma waraana isaanii kan bara Amde Tsiyoonfi Zara Yaaqoob lafa Oromoo keessatti tolfatanirraa ka’anii salphatti Oromoo weeraruu jalqaban. Lolli gurguddaan Dawwaaroo, Baallifi Faxagar keessatti deemuu jalqabe. Oromoon yeroo kanatti ofijaaree waan hinjirreef midhaa guddaan irragahe. Oromoon dhiibamee Awaashirraa gara kibbaatti ittifame. Naannoo kanatti ittifamuun saas akka inni ofjaaruuf isa dhiibe.

Lola Guddaa Jaarraa 16ffaarraa jalqabe

Ummanni Oromoo jaarraa 13ffaarraa kaasee diinoota lama: Habashootaafii Islaamoota ofrirraa lolaa ture. dinoota kana lameeniis miidhaa guddaatu irra gahaa ture. ofirraa ittisuuf haa faccisu malee, hamma sirna Gadaan ofjaaree jabaateetti akka humnaatti gad ofdhaabuu hindandeenye. Kanaafuu jaarraa 14ffaafi 16ffaa gidduutti Islaamoonnifi Kiristaanoonni Oromoo saamuudhaan dagaagaa turan. Garuu Oromoon walakkeessa jaarraa 15ffaarraa kaasee sirna Gadaa ijaarratee cimaafi jabaataa waan dhufeef roorroo gara lachuun itti dhufu ofirraa ittisuuf lafa isaa deebifachuu jalqabe. Haa tahuu malee, faaraan Oromoo kan cime jaarraa 16ffaa keessa ture. jaarraa 15ffaa keessatti waraana Habashaa wajjiin bara Zara Yaaqoobfi Ba’ida Maariyaam naannoo Hora Laangannoofi Baalli keessatti wal lolanii turan. Lolli jaarraa 16ffaa keessatti deeme ammoo, hundi isaa Gadaan geggeeffamaa ture. lubi tokko akka sadarkaa aangoo qabachuu gahen lolli bifa haarayaan deemaa ture. kanaaf duula Oromoo hubachuuf Luboota ka’anii Gadaa fudhatan waliin laalla.

Weerara Islaamaafi Haala Oromoo

Bara Baa’ida Maariyam waraanni habashaa maoohamee humni isaanii laafachaa deeme. Islaamoonni sana booddee human isaanii jabeeyfataa deeman. Bara Naa’ood (1494-1508) moohe keessatti haala isaan gidduu qabbaneessuuf gamni lachuu fedhii qabuture. Affaaroonni Adaal haala kana osoo argisiisaa jiranii Amiirri Harar- Mahfuuz kan jedhamu Habashaarratti lola bane. Naa’ood yeroof haa injifatuu malee, humni Islaamootaa walqunnamtii Islaamoota addunyaa wajjiin waan qabaniif daran jabaataa deeme. Habashoonni kan hubatanii isaaniis Kiristaana Arooppaatti, keessaahuu Poortugaalatti hidhachuu carraaqan. Bara 1509tti namicha Maatiwu jedhamu Armaantich gara Poortugaalitti ergatan. Haalli kun eega Naa’ood du’ee ilmi isaa Libana Dingil jedhamu ijoollee waan taheef Haati isaa bulchaa turteedha.

Libana Dingil (1508-40) guddatee eega aangoo qabatee haala nagayaan Islaama wajjiin jiraachuu jedhu kan Heleenaa (haadha isaa) geeddaree lola jalqabe. Adaaloonnis ofijaaranii gargaarsa alarraa argatanii waan turaniif Habashaarratti lola labsan. Bara 1516tti Adaaloonni Faxagar qabachuuf weerara jalqaban. Mahaafuuz lola kana keessatti du’e, lolli labsame hamma Imaam Ahmad Ibni Ibrahim al Gahaaztti bakka hin geenye.

Imaam Ahmad (1506-43) ykn Giraanyi Ahmad kan jedhamu ijoollumma isaa lafa Hubta jedhamu kan Baddeessaafii Harar gidduutti dabarse. Imaam Ahmad loltuu jabaa tahee guddate. Human waraanaa walitti qabatee Amiira Harar ajjeesee aangoo qabate. Eega sanaa human isaa guddifatee lolaaf ofqopheessutti ka’e, bara 1527tti human Habashaa kan Adaliin weeraru deemu lolee injifannoo guddaa irratti argate. Lola kana booddee Imaam Ahmad waraana isaa qabatee lola jalqabe. Bara 1529tti bakka shuburaa kuraa jedhamutti waraana Habashaa lolee moohe. Waraanni isaa garuu tiikfattootafi godaantootarraa waan ijaarameef, akkasumas gosa isaatiif waan abboomamaniif lola kan booddee ni faca’e. Kanaaf waggaa lama keessatti waraana haaraya ijaarrachuun dirqii itti tahe. Waraana isaa duwwaaaf ajajamu waggaa lama keessatti ijaarrattee lola itti fufe. Bara 1531tti Dawwaaroofi Shawaa qabate. 1533tti ammoo, Amaaraafi Laastaa dhufate. Baallii, Sidaama, Hadiyyaafi Guraagee yeroo tokkotti ofjala galche. Bara 1535tti Tigree weeraree qabatee habashaarraa harka guddaa qabate. Bakka dhaqetti Islaamummaa fudhachiisaa, bataskaana dhabamsisaa deeme. Liban Dingil gargaarsa Poortugaal gaafate osoo hindhaqqabin lolarratti du’e, Ilmi isaa Galaawudoos (1540-59) itti dabree moohe. Poortugaal waraana nama dhibba afur, qawwee wajjiin ergee ture, Liban Dingil bira gahe. Waraanni Kiristaanootaafi Ahmed Giraanyiis ni faca’e. Haa ta’uu malee, humni habashaafi Islaamootas hedduu hubamaee laffate. Haalli kun Oromoon biyya deebifachuurratti hedduu gargaare.

Duula Oromoo jarraa 16ffaa

Jaarraa 13ffrraa kaasee hamma dhuma jaarraa 15ffaatti Oromoon rakknaafi roorroo guddaa jala ture. Yeroo kana ture yeroo inni daga isaarraa dhiibamee laga Awaash gamatti ittifame. Yeroo kan ture yeroon lolli amantii kan Islaamootaafi Habashootaa gidduutti deeme hedduu isa miidhe. Sababnii saa maalirraa madde? Sabani guddaan jaarmaya isa tokkeessu dhabuusaati. Akkuma Oromoonni adda fagaatanii qubataniin gosa gosaan buluun waan isaan tokkeessu dhabame. Oromootni gosuma gosaan miidhaan isaan mudate malee, sirni walitti isaan itichee waliif tumsiisu hinturre. Kanaf roorroon guddaan irra gayuu dandahe.

Jaarraa 15ffaa keessa hawaasa Oromoo keessatti dagaagni argamuu jalqabe. Sirni tokko isaan taasisee roorroo alagaa ittiin ofirraa ittisan dagaagee hawaasa guutummaa dhaqqabuu jalqabe. Sirni haarayni biqilaa ture kun, yeroo dheera keessa kan dhufe tahullee Oromoota irree jabeessee akka lafa isaanii deebifataniifi roorroo alagaa akka ofirraa deebisan gargaare. Oromoos ummata sodaatamafii kabajamaa taasise. Sirni kuniis Gadaa dha. Jaarraa 16ffaa kaasee ummata Oromoo seenaa keessatti kan beeksiseefi harka isaatti kan hambise sirna kana. Ummanni Oromoo gara jaarraa sadii rakkinaafii roorroo isarra gahee ture ofirraa deebisuuf Gadaan ofijaare. Abbaa Bokkuu tokko jalatti walgurmeesse. Haala siyaasafi waraanaa jabaa tolchee ijaarrate. Jaarmaya isaa kanaan ummatoota naannoo isaa jiran caalatti jabaatee humna sodaatamaa tahe. Daga isaarraa qabatame deebifachuuf duula gurguddaa jaarraa 16ffaa jalqabarraa kaasee eegale, humni jajjaboon kan Habashootaafi Islaamootaa lolaan waldadhabsiisanii waan turaniif haala aanjaa argate.

Duula biyya isaa deebifachuuf Oromoon jaarra 16ffaa keessatti jalqabe kan seenaa barreeysitoonni haala adda addaatiin dhiheessuu barbaadu. Sababoota duulli kun itti dhalachuu dandayan akka adda addaatti himu.

Brus namich jedhamu yeroo burqaa laga Naayil (abbayya)qorachuuf kbiyya Habashaa dhaqe, waa’ee Oromoo qoratee akkas jedhe. “duratti osoo gara daangaa Habashaa hindhufin dura isaan ((Gaalla) walakkeesa Ardii Afriikaa jiraatu turan. Lafti jalaa olka’uu jalqabnaan gost isaanii tokko tokko godaanuu jalqaban. Dura gara bahaa galaana Hindiiti sossohan. Achiti walhoranii gara kaabaatti qaceelanii Dawwaaroofi Baallii qubataan. Gost torba walaqabatnii garaa dhihaatti sossohanii kibba laga Abbaayfi naannoo Gojjaam keessa qubatan. Gartuu sadaffaan ammoo, gosa torba tahee walkeessatii hafanii achirraa gara kibbaatti babal’atan” jedhee ture.
Akka Brus jedhu kanatti sossohiinsa Oromoo kan kaase lafti jalaa olka’uudha. Lafti kun yoom olka’e? Akkamitti? Olka’e kan jedhuuf garuu wanti ibsu hinjiru.

Charles T. Beke bara 1842/3 yeroo Habashaa keessa ture waa’ee babal’ifannoo Oromoo waan qorate niqaba. Oduu afaaniin daddabru Habashootarraa qoratee kan inni lafa kaa’e: “Bara dur Gaallaan doko (savage) ture. beekumsa waan tokko hinqabu, qonna hinqotu, loon hintiiksu, uffata hinbeeku, ija mukaa funaanee, hidda harkaan qotee nyaata ture, dubartiin Amaaraa ykn Kristaanaa tokko bidiruu(qorii) tokkotti nyaata, uffata, eeboo, gaachanaafi mia garagaraa guuttattee baahar gamatti argite. Gaallaa dokoon mia kana yeroo argan baay’ee diqisiifatan, nyaaticha dhandhamanii itti tole, uffata ofitti kaa’an, mia gara biraas ilaalanii itti gammadan. Bakka burqaa qabeenya kanaa qabaachuu qabna ja’anii bahara sana cehanii, gara Kiristaanaa dhufan. Kana booddee waldhabbiin dhalatee lolli tahee biyya Habashaa qabatan” jedhama jedhe.
Bekeen waan akka oduu afaanitti dhiheessu kana keessatti sababa babal’ifannoo Oromoo ibsuuf yaale. Oromoo cabsuuf, tuffachuufii seenaa isaa gara dabarsuuf kan odeeffamuudha malee, dhugaa tokkollee ofkeessaa hinqabu.

Charles T. Bekeen ammallee itti fufee oduu afaanii kan Oromoota Walloo biratti odeeffamu jedhee barreeyse jira. Akka oduu isaa kanatti durii:-
“Oromoon Hawaash gamaa dhufe. Osoo bahara kana hincehin duratti qarqara isaa loon tiikfatuu turan. Gaaftookko binessi jabbii tokko arihee bahara kana ceesise. Jabbiin kun laga sana ceetee achitti walhorte. Galgala hogga gaallaan loon bishaan obaafachuu dhaqu gaaddidduu loon baay’ee arge. Akka hinliqinfamneef harka walqabatanii laga cehanii loona sana dhaalan. Booda biyyi itti tollaan achuma turan. Walhoranii baay’anaan hamma daangaa habashaatti babal’atan” jedha. Oduu afaanii fakkeessanii duula Oromoo akkanatti ibsuu barbaadu.

namich J. Hultin jedhamu ammoo, babal’ifannoon Oromoo haala adda addaarraa tahuun nimala jedha. Akka inni jedhutti haalli qilleensaa waan geeddarameef bishaaniifi marga barbaacha sossohan. Kun sababa tuhuu nidandaya jedha. Garuu eega haalli qilleensaa deebi’ee tolee margaafi bishaaniis argame, maallif babal’i’annoon kun itti fufe jedhee ofgaafata. Kanaaf jedha: J. Hultin, akkaata sababa babal’ifannoo Oromoo ibsuudhaaf haala hawaasa dinagdeefi siyaasaa hawaasa Oromoo qorachuu feesisa jedhee cufe.
Namichi Poortugaal kan Amaanu’eel de Almaad jedhamu sababa babal’ifannoo Oromoo akkaataa lamatti hima. Tokkoffaa Habashoonni amantii katolikii fudhachuu waan didaniif waaqni isaa adabuudhaaf dha’ichaa Gaallaa kana itti erge. Osoo amantii kana fudhatanii kun hundi irra hingayu jedhee barreeyse. Lammaffaa bineessa Liqimsaa jedhamtu naannoo Gaara walaabuu bira isaan facaase. Abbaan muuda isaanii naannooo Walaabu kana jiraata. Naannoon Walabuu lafa baay’ee dinqiiti. Loon adaadii aanna baay’ee keennitu waan tureef namni qotuuf hinrakkatu. Aannan dhugee jiraata. Booda bineessi Lliqimsaa jedhamuu kan bifa saa gegeeddaratu namaafi loon nyaachutti ka’e. Kan baqatanii hamma Habashaatti babal’atan. Kun eegaa waan Almaadaan babal’ina Oromoo itti ibsuu yaaleedha.
I.M.Lewis ammoo, Oromoon babal’achuu kan jalqabe waan Somaaleedhaan dhiibameef jedha. Yaada isaa kana kan deeggaran barreessitoonni maddi saba Oromoo Somaaliyaa keessa warra jedhaniidha.
Asmaaroom Laggasee ammoo, sababni babal’ifannoo Oromoo tahu baay’achuu lakkooysa namaati jedha. Lakkooysi ummata Oromoo jaarraa 16ffaa keessa waan dabaleef lafti itti dhiphannaan irraa godaanuu jalqaban jedha.
J.Hultin ammoo, akka sababaatti hin dhiheessin malee babal’ifannoo Oromoo kan gargaare Gadaan ijaaramuu isaati jedha. Lubi aangoo irra jiru osoo gad hindhiisin, lafa haaraya dabalee qabachuu qaba. Kanaaf akkuma Lubni haarayni dhufee aangoo fudhateen lafti itti dabalameen Oromoon babal’atee lafa guddaa qabachuu dandaye jedha.

Kitaaba(seenaa saba Oromoo fi Sirna gadaa)Birraa/Fulbaana 1995)

(Toleeraa Tasammaa Hundasaa Waaqwayyaa) irraa.

view.php?url=http%3A%2F%2Fgadaa.net%2Fwp-content%2Fuploads%2F2014%2F10%2FGadaa-Tuulamaa_Sagalee-Gadaa.pdf&hl=en_US&gpid=1&embedded=true

OSA2014: Remarks by Former Abbaa Gadaa Aagaa Xanxano, and Gadaa Scholar Prof. Asmarom Legesse

The Oromo Studies Association’s 2014 Annual Conference theme: “Gadaa and Oromo Democracy: Celebrating 40 Years of Research and Oromo Renaissance.”

http://www.gadaa.com/culture.html

http://gadaa.com/oduu/21141/2013/08/09/gadaa-as-the-fountain-of-oromummaa-and-the-theoretical-base-of-oromo-liberation/

http://trace.tennessee.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1005&context=utk_socopubs

http://gabuo.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=887&Itemid=91

Click to access kaawo_new1.pdf

Click to access History-of-Oromo-Social-Organization-Gadaa-Grades-Based-Roles.pdf

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Decolonizing Development:The Political and Cultural Locations of Nationalism and National Self-determination (the Case of Oromia)

Several scholars have argued that national self-determination is a claim for cultural independence and that nationalism in general is based on the right to cultural autonomy, right to a culture. In the Oromo context, national self-determination is about the representation of collective identity and dignity. It is the demand of the Oromo people to govern themselves. Practically, this can be interpreted as let us be governed by people who are like us, people of our nationality or people who accept and respect our value system. For the last hundred years and so, the Oromo nation has suffered from Abyssinian expansionism, social, ecological and economic destruction and continuous and intensive cultural and physical genocide. The Abyssinians and Oromians connections have been the coloniser (refers to the former) and the colonised (refers to the latter) relationships. Contrary to the Ethiopianist discourse, they have not developed a common unifying identity, social and political system. While the Abyssinians feel a sense of glory of their kings, warlords and dictators, the Oromians feel victimisation to these rulers, so they have not emerged a common ancestry, culture and collective memory, which can result in common ‘Ethiopian’ identity. From the perspective of Oromo social construction, the present Ethiopian domination over Oromia is a continuation of what pervious generations of Oromo nation had experienced. Thus, the Oromo people, sees the present political arrangement as illegitimate because it is a rule by the people who have engaged in destroying them. So, they claim not only cultural but also political independence. Oromo nationalism is also very democratic. It follows the UN principles of self-determination for the citizens of Oromia, claiming independence from the tyranny of Ethiopian Empire. The latter has been constructed based on Amhara-Tigre nationalism. The Oromo nationalism also offers democratic solutions to the ethnic minorities in the Ethiopian Empire. Scholars of Oromo studies claim that there is fundamental behavioural, linguistic, ethnic and cultural differences between the Abyssinians (northern) and their subjects (Southern). The Oromo, Sidama, Afar and the Ogaden (Ogaden Somalians) nations, beyond their common Cushitic progeny, they have common experiences of victimisation and illegitimately absorbed by Abyssinian southward expansion. Their collective memory of past experiences and present victimisation are making common identity. This identity is a key to understand politics there and to work together for self-determination, to recover their lost humanity.

Man knows himself only insofar as he knows the world, and becomes aware of the world only in himself, and of himself only in it. Every new object, well observed, opens a new organ in ourselves.

–Goethe, Maximen und Reflexionen, VI Build therefore your own world. -Ralph Waldo Emerson, Nature

Introduction

The passions of national freedom and national interest are probably the strongest in the whole political spectrum that characterises the present world. Kellas (1998) holds that it is stronger than the passions aroused by religion, class, individual or group interest. This passion is not all futile, either. In Gellener’s (1983) understanding, nationalism has been considered as essential to the establishment of a modern industrial society. According to Smith (1991), it is ‘the sole vision and rationale of political solidarity.’ For Kellas (1998), it provides legitimacy to the state, and inspires its citizens to feel an emotional attachment towards it. It can be a source of creativity in the arts, and enterprise in the economy. Its power to mobilise political engagement is unrivalled, particularly in the vital activity of nation building. It is intimately linked with the operation of popular democracy. Indeed, the global pattern is a mosaic of political drives, economic interests, linguistic pride, cultural imperatives, psychological needs and nations seeking identity. These factors are manifesting as a powerful staying power in a modern Africa, either. As European colonialism and socialism melted away, the perpetual existence of the backlash against ‘neo-colonial’ colony colonialism and the reviving of national selfdom become more and more significant in social and political dynamics of contemporary multi-ethno-nation African societies. The African experience is motivated by the same aspirations as that of elsewhere. At its root is a need for freedom, dignity, for the right of people of distinct social communities to function freely and independently. In this regard, Oromia represents the case of rejuvenating claim for national freedom and the struggle against more than a century old Abyssinian Empire colonialism in Africa. Oromia is a homeland for an Oromo nation, a group of people with a common culture and value system (seera fi aadaa), language ( Afaan Oromo), political institutions (Gadaa), and historical memories and experiences. Oromia is the single largest, homogeneous and endogenous nation in Africa with a population of 40 to 45 million. Both in terms of territorial and population size, more than two-third’s today’s sovereign states that are making members of UN (United Nations) are smaller than Oromia. The Cushite (see Demie, 1998) Oromo people have inhibited their homeland, Oromia, since pre-history and in antiquity were the agents of humanity’s documented Cushitic civilisation in terms of science, technology, art, political and moral philosophy. The links between the Oromo and the ancient civilisations of Babylon, Cush and Egypt has been discussed in Asfaw Beyene (1992) and John Sorenson (1998) scholarly works. Utilising prodigious evidence from history, philosophy, archaeology and linguistics, Diop (1974 and 1991) confirms that the Cushite Egyptian civilisation was emerged from the Cushite civilisations of North East Africa, particularly, the present day Western Sudan and upper Nile Oromia (also known as Cush or Punt). Indeed, except the name of places, saints and prophets, many of the Old Testament and the Holy Koran moral texts are copies of the Oromo moral codes. The formers are written documents while the latter are orally transmitted. Since the late 1880s the Oromo people have disowned their sovereignty. They disowned their autonomous institutions of governance, culture, education, creativity, business, commerce, etc. Thus, they have been claiming for national self-determination, national-self government and the right to their own state and resist the Abyssinian Empire saver (supremacist’s) nationalism. The Oromians are not only against the quality of Ethiopian Empire governance but also against the philosophy on which it is based: domination, dehumanisation, inequality, double standard, hypocrisy, deceit, exclusion, chauvinism, war institution, rent-seeking, extractive state, conservatism, feudalism, Aste fundamentalism (Aste Tewodros, Aste Yohannis, Aste Menelik, Aste Haile Sellasie), etc. The political goal of national self-determination (national self-government) is asserted in the outlook and attitudes of the Oromo political and social organisations. Of course, the Oromo nationalism, which supports the interests and identity of the Oromo people, is a more subtle, complex and widespread phenomenon than common understanding and observation. It is within this context that we are going to discuss the Oromos’ politics of national self-determination and the search for the national homeland, the demand for reinventing a state of their own in the following sections.

Defining Nation, Nationalism and Self- determination

To define nation and nationalism is as Benjamin Akzin (1964, pp. 7-10) discussed five decades ago, to enter into a terminological jungle in which one easily gets lost. Different scholarly disciplines have their own more or less established and more or less peculiar ways of dealing with nation and nationalism. Ideally, our definition of nation and nationalism should be induced of elements of nationalist ideology. Getting at such a definition has confirmed phenomenally strenuous. Hugh Seton-Watson, an authority in this domain, has deduced that ‘no scientific definition’ of a nation can be concocted. All that we can find to say is that a nation exists when significant number of people in a community consider themselves to form a nation, or behave as if they formed one (Seton-Watson, 1982, p.5).Van den Berghe (1981) defines a nation as a politically conscious ethnic group. Several attempts have been made at making a cardinalist definition of the term, pointing out one or more key cultural variables as defining variables. Among those tried are language, religion, common history/descent, ethnicity/race, statehood and common territory (homeland). For a group of people to be termed a nation, its members typically have to share several of these characteristics, although historically, one criterion may have been predominant (for example, language in Germany, or culture and history in France). In the case of Oromo, common language (Afaan Oromo), common territory (Biyya Oromo, dangaa Oromiyaa or Oromia), common historical experiences (victimisation to Ethiopian Empire rules or Abyssinocracy) are particularly very significant. Stalin made his undertaking in 1913. His definition includes four criteria: the members of a nation live under the same economic conditions, on the same territory, speak the same language, and have similar culture and national character (Seton-Watson, 1982, p.14). Neither Ernest Gellner nor Eric Hobsbawn, two influencials, gave definite definitions of the nation in their major achievements. Indeed, they are very hostile towards what they define as nationalism. ‘…For ever single nationalism which has so far raised its ugly head…’ (Gellner, 1983, p.45), this is a Gellner’s conception and sees the world as naturally divided into nations, each with its own individuality. This implies an acceptance of the nationalist self-perception. There are also other conceptualisations. A social anthropologist, Thomas Hylland Eriksen (1992, p. 220) says ‘a nation is an ethnic group whose leaders have either achieved, or aspire to achieve, a state where its cultural group is hegemonic’, Anthony H. Birch (1989, p.6) considers that a nation is best defined as ‘a society which either governs itself today, or has done so in the past, or has a credible claim to do so in the not-too- distant future. Kellas (1998) defines the nation as a group of people who feel themselves to be a community bound together by ties of history, culture and common ancestry. Nations have ‘objective’ characteristics, which may include a territory, a language, a religion, or common descent, and ‘subjective’ characteristics, essentially a people’s awareness of its nationality and affection for it. In the last resort it is ‘the supreme loyalty’ for people who are prepared to die for their nation. The definition of ‘nation’ which we will make use of in the following is one suggested by Anthony D. Smith (1983,pp. 27-109, 1991, p. 14; 1995); a definition mastering well the ‘sounding board’ dimension. Smith here defines a nation as ‘a named human population sharing a historic territory, common myths and historical memories, a mass, public culture, a common economy and common legal rights and duties for all members. A recent definition of Smith holds nationalism, one manifestation of national-self-determination, as ‘an ideological movement for attaining and maintaining autonomy, unity and identity on behalf of a population deemed by some of its members to constitute an actual or potential ‘nation’ (Smith, 1991, p. 73; 1995). For Smith nationalism has a deep ethnic roots and rejuvenates itself in response to global and domestic impulses. While the phenomenon of globalisation and technocratic culture are there, nationalism is an eternal nature and nourishes and propels itself on technocratic innovations. In this context, national self-determination may be defined as many part aspirations of a nation: To be free to freely determine one’s own national identity, culture, including language, education, religion, and form of government, to be free of rule by another ‘nation’, that is to overcome social and political systems of domination and exclusion in which nations other than one’s own wield predominant power. To be free to select its own form of government; and those governed within it have the right of unflagging consent.

Culture and the Politics of Self-determination

Nation, nationalism and national self-determination are commanding attentions. One of the perennial issues within nationalism is whether national self-determination can stand alone, or whether it requires a ‘qualifier’ from within cultural or political ideas or both to clarify its precise cultural and political location. Several scholars have argued that national self-determination is a claim for cultural independence and that nationalism in general is based on the right to cultural independence and that nationalism is based on the right to a culture. Nielson, for example, peers a nation as groups of people whom ‘perceive themselves as having a distinct culture and traditions’, and Tamir presents that a nation is a community in which individuals develop their culture, and they therefore regard their place within a nation as membership in a cultural group. Indeed, she argues that ‘the right to national-self determination stakes a cultural rather than a political claim, namely, it is the right to preserve the existence of a nation as a distinct cultural entity.’ Will the people who demand national self-determination be satisfied with such an arrangement? Tamir gives credence to that the idea of basing the right to self-determination on the right to a culture is the one that has best conformity with a liberal internationalist viewpoint. That is thinkable, but international liberalism is incompetent on this particular matter. A nationalism, which is based on culture and cultural distinctions, was not very long a go. It is a concept that characteristic the thesis of right wing, or romantic theorists such as Herder. Indeed, Herder’s nationalism was not political, and it distrusted a state as something external, mechanical, not emerging spontaneously from the life of the people. Nevertheless, in the Oromo context the claim for national self-determination is a political rather than a cultural one. If we look at the distinction between the two, it would seem that the claim for national self-determination involves more than a demand to be tolerated while the cultural question is. For example, the Catalan’s and Quebecois’ culture and identity have been tolerated and respected to some extent, and yet many of them thought that this did not reflect a situation of self-determination. Indeed, meeting their claim would involve legislation and redefinition of institutions within the state, and perhaps even a new state. In the Oromo case the demand is actually the claim to have control over their lives. This does not mean over every individual’s private life, but over the public aspect of one’s existence, i.e. the system of mutual relationships, which reflect and sustain one’s membership of a certain collective. Here the self is conceptualised within the context of community, but one that has to be real, actual, and functioning and performing. Otherwise these communal ties are too abstract, which makes it impossible for the self to be defined by them. The statement of Cohen has to be recalled: ‘A person does not only need to develop and enjoy his powers. He needs to know who he is, and how his identity connects him with particular others. He must… find something outside himself which he did not create… He must be able to identify himself with some part of objective social reality’ (Cohen, 1988). Moreover, self-realisation, however, cannot be merely a mental situation; thus this community cannot be only cultural. It must be a political situation at least so that, in order for the Oromo people to realise themselves, they must not be dependent on the goodwill of a second party. They then must be certain that their self-realisation in all spheres of life will not be prevented by the Abyssinian government, the TPLF, the Orthodox Church, and so forth. They should therefore be politically active and watch such institutions carefully. In addition, they must participate in politics in order to decide collectively upon public matters, which influence their self-realisation. So the Oromos claim for national-self determination is about the realisation of their potential status, ability and collective character, which may be achieved only through participation in autonomous political institutions. But for more than a century Oromos have been denied access to these institutions, either officially or in practice. In other words, if Oromos as a nation achieve self-determination they will better able to participate, better represented, better able to deliberate, gain much more control over their life than formerly and more autonomous. The Oromos demand for national self-determination thus, aims at establishing those institutions, which are needed for the realisation of the self-determination. When an Oromo demands national self-determination, he/she is not asserting that he/she would like to control his/her private life, e.g. his/her job, his/her shopping activities, his/her love affairs. Many Oromos do not control these aspects of their lives and yet nevertheless demand national self-determination. But the same principle also applies to cultural life. The Oromos may be allowed more-or-less to use their language, have their own newspapers and theatre, and the freedom of worship, etc. which are making cultural freedom. Actually, these rights are hardly exist at present. But when they claim national self-determination they are not only referring to these aspects of life, as political community: they want to be able to form and choose among and vote for the Oromo political parties, to observe the Oromo constitutional laws, to pay taxes to an Oromo authority, and to have a history (and indeed, myth) of independent Oromo state, from which their identity and self-determination can derive. Thus, the Oromo’s Declaration for Independence will emphasise parliamentary participation and the need to form a constitution, rather than cultural activities. In general the Oromos demand for national self-determination entails that the individuals in this nation should be citizens, engaged in politics as members of a community committed to the realisation of certain (their own) common goods, rather than participating as individuals who seek their self-interests, as it is implied by the right- to- culture school of thought and Liberal Internationalists. Perhaps for this reason Margalit and Halbertal revise the right-to- culture argument, arguing that the right is to a certain culture rather than to culture. A certain culture, then, becomes a common good. And yet, this is not enough, because they still regard the common good in cultural rather than political terms: ‘shared values and symbols… are meant to serve as the focus for citizens’ identification with the state, as well as the sources of their willingness to defend it even at the risk of their lives (Margalit and Halbertal, 1994). Why, then, do theories adhere to the culture discourse? Of course, for most of the Western theorists, the term national self-determination is affiliated to the strive to become part of humanity, to regain the human condition of autonomy; it is adjoined to the struggle to be part of the free world, of the more progressive forces; it is seen as decolonisation, as civilisation, as an attempt made to become part of the world of liberty, rights, and justice. But, it is seen as part of centrifugal forces, from the centre to the global, universalism or what Lane (1974) calls as ‘total situation’ or citizenship based on individual freedom and social justice. These theorists, therefore, universalise the notion of national self-determination: they make it part of liberalism. The liberals’ universal approach tends to be uniformist. This makes a society rootless and a citizen far removed from those who control his/her destiny. On the other hand, the notion as it is put forward and used by the Oromos that the demand for national self-determination is also centripetal, from the global and the greater units to the smaller ones. These groups demand the disengagement from the ‘other’, the global, the colonist, even from other humanity, by asserting that ‘we are not merely the essential equal and part of humanity, but rather we are also different and distinct: we have our own political identity, which we want to preserve, sustain, and establish institutionally, like the Scottish vision in multi-nation state Europe. This is the language of liberation from colonisation. It is also the language of particularisation within the universal or the global, and it seems that the uniformist approach is not sensitive enough to the real Oromos problems. Thus, the Oromos quest for self-determination involves the ultimate goal of particularism (its own unique space), reinventing the Oromia State, owning the national homeland. Of course, in a heterogeneous society of the Ethiopian Empire, though uniformity may simplify system of control, social justice will not be attained in one vast monolithic block of oppressed by colonial legislation, bureaucrats and its armies. An important work of Professor Asafa Jalata, an authority in the study of Oromo nationalism kindly quoted as’ The Oromo question involves both colonialism and ethno nationalism. Ethiopian colonialism has been imposed by global capitalism on the Oromo nation. Ethiopians, both Amharas and Tigrayans, through establishing settler colonialism in Oromia, have systematically killed millions of Oromo and expropriated their lands and other resources from the last decades of the nineteenth century until today. Ethiopian colonialists already destroyed the people called Agaw by taking their lands, systematically killing them, and assimilating the survivors. They attempt to do the same thing to the Oromo by destroying the Oromo national movement, confiscating Oromo lands, and forcing the remaining Oromo into ‘settlement villages’ or (reservations). Many times, some Oromo organisations attempted to democratize Ethiopia so that the Oromo would achieve equal citizenship rights and maintain their ethno cultural identity. Determined to maintain their colonial domination and to destroy the Oromo cultural personality through ethnocide or assimilation, Ethiopian colonialists destroyed or suppressed those Oromo political forces that attempted to transform Ethiopia into a multinational democratic society. Therefore, most Oromos are convinced that their rights and freedom cannot be obtained and respected without creating their own state, or state that they can create as equal partners with other ethno national groups interested in forming a multinational democratic society to promote ethno cultural diversity and human freedom. Hence, Oromo nationalism is an ideology of the subjugated Oromo who seek human rights, freedom, justice, and democracy’ (Jalata, 1997). In fact social justice can be attained when and only when the oppressed majority able to rule its homeland. The Oromos work for national self-determination is the great humanist and historical task in terms of Freire (1993) argument ‘To liberate themselves and their oppressors as well. The oppressors, who oppress, exploit, and rape by virtue of their power, cannot find in this power the strength to liberate either the oppressed or themselves. Only power that springs from the weakness of the oppressed will be sufficiently strong to free both. Any ‘attempt to soften the power of the oppressor in difference to the weakness of the oppressed almost always manifest itself in the form of false generosity; indeed, the attempt never goes beyond this.’ In this context, for Oromos in order to have the continued opportunity to express their ‘generosity,’ the Habasha colonist must perpetuate injustice, too. Tyranny is the permanent fount of this ‘generosity,’ that sustains at the price of death, dehumanisation, despair and poverty. ‘True generosity consists precisely in fighting to destroy the causes which nourish false charity.’ (Freire, 1993). For further discussions on Oromo nationalism, universalism, globalism, Ethiopianist discourses and Oromo Nationalism, see Sorenson (1998) and Sisai Ibssa (1998).

Concluding Thoughts

Man as a social animal always seeks his own territory and belongings to a social group in which his identity and sense of community is observed and respected. In the defence of the cause for social justice and social ecology, these are basic tenets to backlash against the danger of the rhetoric of universalism, polyarchy and false perspectives of social uniformity, which appear to appreciate the social problems from a single privileged point. Georg Hegel, The Phenomenology of Mind ( New York, 1967 edition), in his famous philosophical discussion of the relationship between ‘lordship and bondage’ maintained that a single consciousness could know itself only through another, even in a condition of totally unequal power relationship. According to this philosophical model, the lord (the oppressor) is lord only through the relationship with a bondservant (the oppressed, the one whose humanity is stolen). In the relationship, however, the other is annulled. The self of the mastery, the lord, derives from the conquest and negation of the servant, the bond. Only recognition of the selfhood of the other permits for its annulations. Thus, lordship covertly recognises the separate identity of the dominated. They are normally equal selves locked into unequal hierarchy. Metaphorically, Hegel’s dialectics of lordship and bondage is very important to understand the Ethiopian domination over Oromia. However, in the Ethiopianist discourse, the essential equality of the selves has been escaped totally. Rather, the persisting hierarchy has taken for granted. According to Sorenson (1998), Ethiopianist scholars like Clapham, Sven Rubenson and Levine because of their attachment to one version of the Ethiopian past and present make them either or unwilling to engage with the full complexity of the problem. From this point of view, to accept the unchanging polarity of Ethiopia and Oromia in the lordship-bondage relationship is to succumb to a structure of Ethiopian aggression and colonialism. The Oromians demand for national self-determination is, however, the civilised step out of the polarity upon which the coercive hierarchy relies, it is the collective political demand, as its main purpose is to achieve the good of the social whole, humanisation, the essential liberation of the Oromo national identity, dignity and the reinvention of Oromia as a sovereign state. The Abyssinian occupation of Oromia, the existence of the Abyssinian Rule, war-lordism and their armies in Oromia and the making of Finfinnee their garrison station, the centre of their crowds is not only an act of conquest, aggression and colonialism but also, from Oromo perspective, such elements are symbols of bondage and slavery that negate the Oromo selfhood as equal essential. For the last over hundred years, the Oromo nation has disowned selfhood, its own state or administration, and lived as a bondage of Abyssinia. The Abyssinian administration which has undermined the Oromo national traditions, exploited it economically, and maintained order through mechanical and repressive means- such a nation actually must seek national self-determination to foster within its politics, to bring dignity, justice, freedom and democracy and to survival as essential equal, as a nation and as part of humanity and its civilisation. It is necessary for Oromians to build the world of their own, a world which make them capable to sustain as a group of human people. They must able to liberate themselves and the violent, the oppressor too. In this context, the Oromo issue is a test case to the deceptive ‘democracy world-wide’ which is being advocated in the USA foreign policy and manipulated by the neo-nafxanyas (see Ibssa, 1998). It is a challenge to contemporary theories of democracy and polyarchy (Robinson, 1997) and actors of post cold war Ethiopian politics who simply take for granted that the boundaries and powers of political community in the ‘Horn’ have already been settled. Thanks to the dedicated works of human rights activists, particularly the OSG (the Oromia Support Group) and its UK based publication, Sagalee Haaraa, we have been well informed on plights of human population and their environment in the entire region. We are interested to recommend this publication to all actors of the region. In this context, we are confident to say that Ethiopian democracy rhetoric or federalism sham politics is nothing more than a fig leaf, covering up the continuation of an extraction of the ‘politics of the belly’, in terms of Bayart (1993) from ‘prudish eye of the West.’ Its democratic rhetoric is a new type of rent seeking (extracting economic rent). By making believe, it enables the collection of international aid that includes diplomatic, military and humanitarian. It enables the seizure of the resources of the modern economy for the benefit of the Tigrayan elites. The situation is not in democracy’s favour, rather it is a situation that the Tyranny is retaining control over the security forces, economic rents and the support of the West. Such manipulation is not new for Africa. Menilik, Haile sellassie, Mengistu, Mobutu, Biya, Senghor and Diouf did the same thing either in Ethiopia or elsewhere in the continent at one time or another. The Quote from Bayart’s (1993) African analyis comes to our mind ‘…The support of western powers and multilateral institutions of Bretton Woods and the Vatcan, who despite having waved the flag of democratic conditionality and respect for human rights, have not dared to pursue such sentiments to their logical conclusion and have continued to think in terms of ‘Mobutu or Chaos’ where Gorbachev given up saying ‘Ceaucescu or chaos’…’. Indeed, very recently, we have read the deceptive descriptions to neo-Mobutu, neo-Mengistu, etc.: democratic, new generation, confident and pragmatic, etc. Sadly, everything changes so that everything stays the same. Nevertheless, the oppressed Oromos are not passive objects, either. They have not allowed themselves to be ‘captured’, as in the past they have demonstrated their historical ability to resist dehumanisation, despair and poverty, and predictably will continue to resist until the justice will come to them. An everyday Oromo coins the following: ‘Victory to the Oromo people! Oromia shall be free!’ We feel moral and social responsibility to support the just cause of fellow humanity.
http://ayyaantuu.com/horn-of-africa-news/oromia/oromo-freedom-from-what-and-for-what-part-1/

http://gadaa.com/oduu/4613/2010/06/27/on-the-question-of-nationalities-in-ethiopia/

‘External self-determination, in particular, seems to carry dual meaning. On the one hand it is taken to mean full independent statehood, while on the other hand it is taken to mean external recognition by other states within the
international community.’

http://bemis.org.uk/docs/redefining-self-determination.pdf

‘Every individual/group possesses a moral right to secede. The burden of proof rests with the opponents of secession.’ http://web.stanford.edu/~tomz/working/secede.pdf

Language and National Development: A tribute in Honour of Haile Fida’s Contribution to the Development of Oromo Orthography

Dr Haile Fida Kuma has made an outstanding contribution to the development of Oromo national orthography. He was one of the pioneers who attempted to shade fresh on the history of the Oromo, the right of the Oromo people to speak, read and write in Afaan Oromo. He initiated Oromo studies in Europe and has made a major contribution both to our knowledge of Afaan Oromoo grammar and to the discussion on how the language should be written 1968-1974. His first research paper was published in 1972, on Tatek, theoretical Journal of Ethiopian Studies in Europe entitled ‘Languages in Ethiopia: Latin or Geez for writing Afaan Oromo.’ He further published in 1973 Oromo Grammar book entitled ‘ Hirmaata Dubbi Afaan Oromo’: Haile Fida, et al. (1973). Hirmaata Dubbi Afaan Oromo, Paris and a literature book :‘Barra Birran Barie, paris,’ using his adopted 35 Latin Qubee alphabet. The books were as a result of his long-time study of the Oromo language and problems of Oromo orthography. In this groundbreaking Afaan Oromo grammar book, he adopted the Latin alphabet to the phonology of the Oromo language by modifying some of the shapes of the letters and adding subscript diacritics. He made distinctions between short and long vowels letters by using single vowels letters (i, e, a, o,u) for the former and double (ii, aa, oo, uu) ones for the latter. He presented the finding of his research to the conference of Ethiopian Student Union in Europe in 1972 and this brought a debate on language issues within the Ethiopian and Oromo students movement abroad (see, Dr. Fayisa Demie. 1996. Historical Challenges in the Development of the Oromo language and Some Agendas for Future Research, Journal of Oromo Studies, Vol.3, no.1 &2, pp. 18-27. Oromia Quarterly. Fayisa Demie. 1999. The Father of Qubee Afaan Oromo: A tribute in Honour of Haile Fida’s Contributions to the development of Oromo Orthography, Oromia Quarterly, Vol.. II, no.3. Pp. 1-5.) His knowledge on Oromo language was so encyclopaedic and his contribution to the Oromo studies in Europe was so well known at the time and his contribution was greatly acknowledge by the Oromians who know him very closely. Oromo national Organisations have started to use Qubee Afaan Oromo from 1970s. Oromo national Convention in 1991 endorsed the use of Qubee all over Oromia. Dr. Haile was assassinated by the Dergue Ethiopian regime before seeing this remarkable achievement in the use of Qubee in Oromia which is the greatest milestone in the history of the Oromo people. Dr. Haile Fida completed his initial primary education at Arjo primary school and junior garde 7-8 at then Haile Selassie I Secondary school in Naqamtee followed with secondary education at General Wingate school in Finfinnee and undergraduate at Finfinnee University (Science Faculty, Geology Department). Haile was an outstanding student while he was in General Wingate secondary school and the university. He completed his secondary education with 10A’s and 2B’s and his Undergraduate University with distinction with GPA 4. After graduation from the Department of Geology he was employed as a graduate assistant and became a lecturer in the same department. He left to France to pursue a postgraduate studies. Haile studied MA in sociology and social anthropology and PhD in philosophy at the Le Palais De L’ Academie Paris. While he was in Europe he was an active member of the Ethiopia students Union in Europe and an Honorary secretary of the French Socialist Party. Dr. Haile was married to Mme Marie and survived with two children.

Haile belonged to a group of generation of Oromo nationalist who embarked on arduous struggle to liberate the Oromo nation from Ethiopian oppression in two different strategies . The first Oromo group were convinced the Oromo question is a colonial question and argued the solution to the Oromo question is the liberation of Oromia from Ethiopian Colonialism. Indeed to show the Oromo identity as a colonial people deprived their right to govern themselves democratically and oppressed by Amhara/ Tigrai colonial settlers, they have put forward historical evidence which support the Oromo case. The second group, in which Haile belonged, argued the Oromo question is a national and it is possible to solve the problem through the democratisation of the Ethiopian state. As part of their struggle against national oppression this group of Oromos have attempted to take forward the national question high in the agenda of the Ethiopian student movement and other Ethiopian organisations that were mushroomed since the Ethiopian revolution in 1974. The first members of this generation were born in the early 1940’s and the youngest in the early and mid 1950’s. It was a generation of Oromo activists who came together to struggle against national oppression. Most of them killed while struggling for the Oromo cause or while attempting to change Ethiopia. Indeed Haile was one of the victims who died while attempting to change the environment of national oppression in Ethiopia. He was killed by Ethiopians while struggling against national oppression and for the right of the Oromo people to speak and write in their language. His early death robs Oromia an enthusiastic, hardworking and committed Oromo professional. The inspiration he provided throughout his life continues to influence Oromo scholars and new generations in the field of Oromo studies.

http://gadaa.com/oduu/20278/2013/06/17/seenaa-barreefama-afaan-oromootiifi-shoora-dr-sheek-mahammad-rashaad/

http://oromodictionary.com/afaanOromoLK.php

http://www.oromian.net/OromoRogaland/Afaan/qube.htm

http://www.africa.upenn.edu/Hornet/Afaan_Oromo_19777.html

http://www.omniglot.com/writing/oromo.htm

http://www.ethiomedia.com/14store/2025.html

Confession documents under the notorious Derg Military Dictatorial regime interrogation of Haile Fida Kuma

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Tags: African Culture, African Studies, Ancient Africa, Ancient Writing System, Bara Birraan Bari'e, Haile Fida (Hayilee Fidaa), Hirmaata Dubbi Afaan Oromo, Kushitic (Cushitic) Languages, Language and Development, Oromia, Oromiyaa, Oromo and Ancient Egypt, Oromo Culture, Oromo People, Oromummaa, Qubee Afaan Oromoo, The Oromo Language

The Oromian Economist

Oromia and the east african region

The Oromian Economist makes research, discusses, analyses and informs on leading issues of Economics, freedom, liberty, development, culture and change that are relevant to Oromia, Africa, developing world and the related humanity and civilization.

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on July 8, 2014 at 6:24 pm Leave a Comment

Why has Africa’s growth failed to translate into adequate job creation?

Why has Africa’s growth failed to translate into adequate job creation? Key insights from Unctad’s Economic Development in Africa report 2014*

Africa has a huge problem with unemployment, particularly youth unemployment. It has experienced a high rate of population growth, which has the potential to be a demographic dividend but only if there is sufficient investment in jobs, skills and education.

Essentially, the continent hasn’t produced enough investment and growth in the domestic economy. Public sector investment has been low, and foreign direct investment has largely been channelled into the sectors where the big returns are – oil, gas and minerals.

The difficulty is that these sectors are not very good at generating economic benefits outside a very small enclave. They are not labour intensive so they don’t create large numbers of jobs and benefit the wider economy. Investment needs to support sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing and industry that have the potential for higher growth and job creation. This type of employment creation will be key to the future of the continent’s growth.

What lies behind this failed investment strategy?

Partly it is the advice many African countries have had from Bretton Woods Institutions [World Bank and International Monetary Fund]. It is also partly a risk-averse strategy so they don’t find themselves in a terrible situation should another global financial crisis arise. But it is also fundamentally about a lack of political focus on building capacity, diversifying economies and recognising the need to create more employment.

What does the report have to say about the sectors where employment has declined, and risen?

Broadly speaking, because in Africa we’ve seen both population growth and a failure to upgrade traditional sectors like agriculture there’s been a high degree of rural-urban migration. Lots of people are moving from subsistence agriculture into urban activities which are largely informal and survivalist. This tends to be low-paid, vulnerable employment. This type of work makes up about 80% of total employment in many African countries.

The report highlights the unusually high level of employment and growth in the services sector in Africa, relative to its stage of development. However for this sector to see long-term growth and adequate job creation, there needs to be big leaps in investment in basic infrastructure. There are opportunities in agriculture too. While in the long run many people will still move from rural to urban areas, if we invest and raise productivity we can raise the incomes for those in the sector.

Are there any misunderstandings about the relationship between growth, investment and employment in Africa?

Often this relationship is understood as being a virtuous circle. We argue that growth in Africa has failed to translate into broader development gains such as employment.

What is key to this nexus is the role of the state. Governments have to be more aware that different types of economic activity involve different types of employment intensity. While the services sector is producing more job opportunities than the extractive sectors there still needs to be more investment directed towards industries such as manufacturing and agriculture. Africa has a relatively weak private sector so the state needs to have a much more prominent role in mobilising investment into job-rich sectors.
*By Junior Davies, an economist at the division on Africa, least developed countries and special programmes of Unctad
@http://4globaldevelopment.wordpress.com/2014/07/07/booming-economies-are-not-boosting-employment-in-africa-why-global-development-professionals-network-the-guardian/
Read more@
http://www.theguardian.com/global-development-professionals-network/2014/jul/03/unctad-report-africa-economics-employment?CMP=twt_gu

Booming economies are not boosting employment in Africa, why? | Global-development-professionals-network | The Guardian

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on July 7, 2014 at 7:17 pm Leave a Comment
Tags: African Studies, Economics, Growth and Development

Perverted Development: What role for Institutions

Development: What role for Institutions

The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influence, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist.
Keynes, John Maynard

Introduction

The force of human reductionism that had assaulted on Oromia’s history, civilisation, politics and economy for many centuries in the last three Christian millenniums and particularly of the last two centuries has continued in the new millennium to enfeeble the endeavours of its people towards progress and development.

Oromia is not the poorest of the nations of the world in resources but it is one of the most underdeveloped, characterised by thwarted advancement, declined progress and cataclysm.

In Oromia today immense agricultural potential, mineral wealth and human capital coexist with some of the lowest standards of living in the world. Part of the problem lies in the nature of the economic change the Abyssinian colonialism fostered in Oromia. The Oromo economy has been distorted to serve the Abyss interest and needs.

Oromos are the most brutalised and humiliated in modern history. The genocidal treatments, which Oromos have received from Abyssinians, have been as gruesome as anything experienced by Jews, Native American and native Australians and the Armenians received from the Nazi, Europeans, white Americans, and the Ottoman Turkey respectively. Oromos have also been humiliated in history in ways that range from the level of slavery, segregation and treated as second-class citizens in part of their own country to the present day in spite of being numerically the majority and geographically the largest territory.

In the early 1990s the old Amhara settler colonialism (Nafxanyaa system) was substituted by Tigrean ‘federal colonialism’ (neo- nafxanyaa system) the facet of exploitation seemed to take on new dimensions. In fact, the pattern of colonisation and domination has remained the same since it instated century ago with the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885, which had approved the scramble for Africa among European colonial powers. It was a time when the cruel Abyssinian Empire was given an ordinance of Christianising and ‘civilizing’ the Oromos; though it is a historic derision how a backward and barbaric empire was to ‘civilize’ the society of prime civilisation, high culture and social structure, the ‘natives’, whose development levels and potentials were diverse and by far advanced.

The very idea of Christianising and civilizing was an external imposition often upheld by external protagonists. In the pre 1974 Ethiopia, this took the form of substantial military and economic aid from the US America and Europe. During the Cold War era, the mission of oppression of the Oromos maintained and supported by fresh military and economic aid from the then Soviet Union scheme of spreading its sphere of dominion and its ideology to Africa. In the contemporary ‘new world disorder’, the support has got new momentum in which the old Christian missionaries are replaced by an army of western neo-classical economists who peddle a ‘free market’ ideology, which they hope, will take care of the imprisoned market agents, in this case the Oromos.

According to the new Gospel, the Tigrean colonizers are given the mandate and the necessary financial backing to pursue ‘economic liberalization’ while keeping strict control that Oromia remains the Abyssinian colony. The liberalization agenda has served as a precursor of the making of Tigrean version of crony capitalism or more appropriately advanced feudalism in the age of economic globalisation. It is alien to Adam Smith’s invisible hand, social justice and the free-market ideals of relying on legal contracts, property rights, impartial regulations and transparency. It is no wonder that the political and economic prescriptions that the Ethiopian colonial rules implemented and or pretend to implement are in line with the advice of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank and The US administration’s The Horn of Africa Initiative all of which have exacerbated the problem of the Oromo nation. It has also betrayed the ideals of free market, social justice, self-determination and human rights.

The sorrowing fact is that shared interest and solidarity between the West and the Abyssinian colonizers are impoverishing the people. Pretentious and ill-conceived measures are being taken in the name of free market and above all development. Currently, there are a number of regime-sponsored ‘associations’ of this or that ‘Region/State’s Development’ anti-terrorism, poverty alleviation, renewal process, revolutionary democracy, etc. Given this, the people’s last resort is to defend their own interests is the exit option or to retreat from the colonizers. What has become more apparent than ever is the need to rely on the Oromo initiatives to solve the problems of the Oromo. The Oromo poor need to defend themselves from the bogus free market invaders and their phoney local allies. This is necessary, since, in the absence of property rights, social justice, and individual and social freedom and democracy, no free market economic gimmickry is able to reserve the tragedy of the oppressed. It is within this context, that we discuss, how the Ethiopian colonial rules, in collaboration once with international socialism and now with the global capitalism has impoverished and underdeveloped one particular community in Africa, the Oromo nation.

Sclerotic to development: The Abyssinian Colonial Occupation and Its Alliances

Economists are inspired to point out the weight of political factors, captured by the term ‘governance’ and its role in economic development. Concerns about political factors in economic development is revitalized because of the dearth of economic development reform and structural adjustment programs to yield definite success and prosperity, particularly, in Africa. The main problem pointed out is ‘poor governance’ (World Bank, 1989; Moore, 1992). There are three different aspects to the notion of governance that can be identified as:

The form of political regime (independent, colonial government, multi-party democracy, authoritarian, etc.),

The process by which authorities exercised in the management of the country’s economic and social resource; and’

The willingness, the competence and the capacity of the government to design, formulate, and implement genuine development policies, and, in general to discharge development and government functions.

As there is no antithesis concerning the conviction that ‘good’ governance is an important and desirable ingredient of development, scholars are cautious not to attach specific regime type and political reforms to good governance. Broadly, however, good governance is legitimated by developmentalist ideology while poor governance is characterized by ‘state elite enrichment ‘ (Jackson and Rosberg, 1984), the ‘rent seeking society’ (Krueger, 1974) or ‘politics of the belly’ (Bayart, 1993;Tolesa, 1995) such as Ethiopia, Nigeria and Zaire). The latter in fact are characterized by sclerotic behaviours and are obstacles to development.

The Oromia’s underdevelopment (negative development) and its associated problems are never going to be understandable to us, much less contain it, as long as we persist to ponder it as a mere as an economic enigma. What is before us momentarily is in essence an enigma of political colonialism whose economic after-effects are severe.

Not only the problem is basically political and colonial in character. It arose largely from Abyssinian imperial conquest and its associated colonial disposition, which is characterized by reliance on sheer force, state terror, genocide, plunder, authoritarianism and violence.

The story goes back to the days of the Abyssinians crossed the Red Sea and seized the territory and resources of the Cushites ( Bibilical Ethiopia, the present Horn of Africa and Oromia) making concerted aggression on the latter’s history and culture in the name of settlement and civilizing the ‘non-believers.’

As it is discussed above and elsewhere, in the first millennium BC the Abyssinian group crossed the Red Sea from South Arabia (source: the debtras’ records and memories of Abyssinian high school history text book) to the present North East Africa to conquer and resettle the land occupied by endogenous Oromo and the other Cushitic people. Recent research recognises that the Semitic culture of the Abyssinian empire’s northern highlands was built on the Cushitic base for which not genuine credit has been given, and the Axum obelisks which were attributed to the (Sabeans Abyssinians) do not have corresponding existence on the Arabian peninsula while they are abundant in the Nile valley stretching from Egypt to ancient Kush in today’s Sudan. This most probably indicates that the earlier phase of Axum civilization was predating the Sabean infiltration/invasion.

Cleansing as a policy was initiated to conquer the Cushite territories. The territory they conquered was divided among numerous Abyss chiefdoms that were as often at war with each other as with Oromo and the entire Cushite. The population of conquered territories were considered as dangerous thus; Abyssinian cleansing, up rooting, forced labour and killings of the vanquished were conducted as the means of crushing resistance, securing the conquered territories and even to expand their occupation further. Though the Abyssinian gained some territories and resettled in the northern highlands of the Oromo and other Cushitic regions among others Afar, Agau, etc., their expansion was checked for a long time in history by wars of resistance and liberation they encountered by the endogenous people. These wars of resistance led to a decisive victory for Oromo, Afar and Somali nations particularly from 12th to the second half of 19th century. As a result of such a defeat Abyssinians started to wage particularly anti-Oromo propaganda battles to alert themselves and attract foreign support against the Oromo. The derogative name ‘Galla’ and the ‘16 century Oromo migration’ were all the Abyssinian fabrications and to serve the war against Oromo. In fact, the Oromo oral history shows that the 16th century was a massive Abyssinian further southward migration and intensive campaign to entirely control Oromia and other territories. For the Oromo this period was characterized by political and military dynamism and at the same time it was a period of victory, massive dislocations, rehabilitation and displaced communities returning home.

According to M. Bulcha (see Oromo Commentary), it was only during the second part of the 19th century that the Abyssinians ultimately succeeded to make significant in roads into the Oromo territory. Tewodros (also known in different names Hailu, Kassa, Dejazmach, Ras, etc., as other Abyssinian shiftas and present Woynes, is on record for his brutish hostility towards the Oromo nation. He was not the first or the last of his kind. They were many before and after him, for concrete evidence even today, this time and this second. All of them have been gangsters of very abnormal characters and Abyssinian detested figures. The Abyssinians remembered Tewodros and his type not only as the romanticized hero figures but also portrayed them as a modernises. Tewodros the lunatic and bandit declared and conducted a war of extermination against the Oromo. In order to help them to bargain for the western support, he and all his type including Yohannes, Menelik, Haile Sellasie, Mengistu and currently Meles declared anti-Islam and anti-Muslim nations. They mobilized all their resources and the entire Abyssinia (Amhara &Tigre) against the Oromo to achieve their goal. Tewodros made every effort to obtain the European military support claiming his fictions of Christian identity and ideology (the then dominant political ideology though he had not any biblical ethics and values, not at all). Tewodros is a symbol and an element of Abyssinian barbarism that was conducted at particular historical stage (1850-1868). Such barbarism has been conducted since the Axumite period (3000 years) but has never achieved its ultimate goal of elimination of the entire endogenous people of the North-East Africa. But it eliminated millions of and it thwarted the civilisations of Cushite people. They have used all the devastating means the: Christian civilizing ideology, European army, settler colonialism, Soviet Socialism, Stalin collectivisation, Mengistu’s villegisation, and America’s structural adjustment, terrorism, etc. They have always tried to change names after names for the same ugly & old expansionism, feudalism and empire (the legendary land of Sheba, Ethiopia, Ethiopia first, socialist Ethiopia, republic, mother land, federal etc.). The very name Ethiopia is Hellenistic Greece. It was the name used in the ancient Greece occupation (before Romans) of North Africa people and southward expansion. This name was colonialism from the beginning and it has been, it is and it will be. It is not African in origin as the people who invented it. This name was adopted and maintained to conquer the entire Cush and then the entire Africa in the shadow of christianisation. It is a sinister name that has no boundary and ethnic identity. It is not only the conquered people of North-East Africa but also all Africanists that must understand, including its sinister philosophy. It was designed and adopted to deconstruct an endogenous African identity.

One implication of the doctrine of Abyssinian ‘civilizing mission’ was that the Oromos needed to be ruled by Abyssinians and could not responsibly be granted civil liberties. Authoritarian as it has always been, the Abyssinian colonial rule in Oromia whether under Menelik II, Haile Selassie, Mengistu and currently under Meles has been characterized by the ‘politics of the belly.’ The underlying ethos remains self-aggrandizement and those elites are alien to growth whereas corruption, brutality, inefficiency and grotesque incompetence have tainted their politics. Time and again, they siphoned off Oromia’s wealth and indulged in conspicuous consumption and stashing millions of dollars in remote secret accounts in Europe, America and Asia. Scholars understand that development is about the future. However, the Abyssinian elites are living for the present. They came for quick self enrichment. The Oromos have no opportunity to invest in their country. They disowned everything.

While the Abyssinian colonial settlers in Oromia do no want and support policies that promote development, they find military and other forms of support abroad to stay in power. In more than one time, this force of underdevelopment has been strongly reinforced by external forces (Holcomb and Ibssa, 1990). Despite generous foreign assistance, this hardly commanded legitimacy to mobilize the colonized masses behind their rule. To the contrary, people who have waged legitimate struggle to reclaim their freedom, cultures and history has fiercely resisted their rule.

As it has been discussed elsewhere, Oromos have their own political power, which was fully operational before they were colonized and occupied by Abyssinians put under the strict control of Ethiopian empire state. Their political system is based on the Gadaa (Gada) system. The Gadaa system has been the foundation of Oromo civilization, culture and worldview (Jalata, 1996). The Gadaa political practices manifested the idea of real representative democracy with checks and balance, the rule of law, social justice, egalitarianism, local and regional autonomy, the peaceful transfer of democratic power, etc. (Jalata, 1966). The Gadaa political system also facilitated property rights, stability, and the expansion of free trade, commerce, improved farm techniques and permanent settlements, gradual diversification of division of labour. The Gada state was non-taxing state. Military was not the focal point, only defensive which is democratic. It was the opposite of expansionist, imperial, genocide or conquering state, e.g. Roman, Sparta, Abyssinian and Serbia, etc.

One of the distinctive virtues of Gadaa state was the weight of civilian power as compared to military power, military aristocracy was practically absent and in normal times, the army executed only an inconspicuous, if not nonexistent, political function. The military aristocracy was not the focal point of society. War had rather a defensive mission.

Nonetheless, particularly since the last decades of the nineteenth century, the Abyssinian colonial rule and its state disallowed the Gadaa political system and expropriated the Oromo basic means of subsistence, such as land cattle while it established an Ethiopian system of rule over Oromia. The Oromo commerce and industrious activities were not only discouraged but also ridiculed and obtained the lowest social status. Productive relations were imposed through the process of commodity production and extraction between those who control or own the means of production, the state, and those who do not. Those who control the means of coercion had the opportunity to reorganize productive relations through dispossession of the colonized Oromos in order to expedite more product extraction.

The process of dispossession is multi-faceted and far-reaching. As the result of it, the Oromos have been denied power and access to education, cultural, economic and political fields while at the extremes, the Abyssinian colonialism has been practiced through violence, mass killings, mutilations, cultural destruction, enslavement and property confiscation.

Apart from the splendid crop farm and animal husbandry, in his 1896-1898 travels in Oromia Bulatovich (2000, pp 60-61) described the Oromian industrial and commercial economy as the most vibrant with conducive endogenous institution as follows:

“Artisans such as blacksmiths and weavers are found among the [Oromo]. Blacksmiths forge knives and spears from iron, which is mined in the country. Weavers weave rough shammas from local cotton. The loom is set up very simple. … There is also the production of earthenware from unbaked clay. Craftsmen who make excellent morocco; harness makers who make the most intricate riding gear’ artisan who make shields; weavers of straw hats (all [Oromo] know how to weave parasols and baskets), aromers who make steel sabers; weavers who weave delicate shammas, etc.

Bulatovich Observed that commerce in Oromo was both barter and monetary based. The monetary unit was the Austrian taller and salt. The former was rather little in quantity and was concentrated in the hands of merchants. He witnessed that Oromos have great love for commerce and exchange economy. According to Bulatovich (2000, pp, 61-63):

“In each little area there is at least one market place, where they gather once a week, and there is hardly an area which is relatively larger and populated which does not have marketplace strewn throughout. Usually the marketplace is a clearing near a big road in the centre of [Oromo] settlements…. Rarely does any [Oromo] man or women skip market day. They come, even with empty arms or with a handful of barely or peas, with a few coffee beans or little bundles of cotton, in order to chat, to hear news, to visit with neighbours and to smoke a pipe in their company. But besides, this petty bargaining, the main commerce of the country is in the hands of the [Oromo], and they retain it despite the rivalry of the Abyssinians. Almost all the merchants are Mohammedan. They export coffee, gold, musk, ivory, and leather; and they import salt, paper materials, and small manufactured articles. They are very enterprising and have commercial relations with the Sudan, Kaffa, and the Negro tribes.”

The Oromos have also valued both the collective and personal independence and freedom very much. Their peaceful and independent way of life was broken and their freedom lost with the coming of the utterly vicious and sever authority and hard school of surrender and obedience of the Abyssinian conquerors. As Bulatovich (2000, p.65) further described:

“The main character of trait of the [Oromo] is love of complete independence and freedom. Having settled on any piece of land, having built him a hut, the [Oromo] does not want to acknowledge the authority of anyone, except his personal will. Their former government system was the embodiment of this basic trait of their character- a great number of small independent states with figurehead kings or with a republican form of government. Side with such independence, the [Oromo] has preserved a great respect for the head of the family, for the elders of the tribe, and for customs, but only insofar as it does not restrain him too much.”

Jalata (1993) sees the Ethiopian colonial domination as the negation of the historical process of structural and technological transformation. This is the case where the Abyssinian colonial class occupies an intermediate status in the global political economy serving its own interest and that of imperialists. The Oromos have been targeted to provide raw materials for local and foreign markets. Inside the empire, wherever they go, the Abyssinian colonial settlers built garrison towns as their political centres for practicing colonial domination through the monopoly of the means of compulsion and wealth extraction.

The Abyssinian colonial system was more cognated to a tributary system whereby the rulers extract tribute and labour from colonized lands. The Abyssinian peasants supported their households, the state and the church from what they produced. After its colonial expansion, Abyssinians maintained their tributary nature and established colonial political economy in Oromia and in the Southern nations. Although the colonial state intensified land expropriation and produce extraction from colonized peoples, capitalist productive relations did not emerge. Gradually with the further integration of the Ethiopian empire into the capitalist world economy, semi-capitalist farms seemed to emerge by extracting their fruits mainly through tenancy, sharecropping and the use of forced-labour systems.

The colonial exploitation has been maintained under Mengistu’s so-called socialist collectivisation/ villegisation campaigns and in the current Meles’ regime under the mask of structural adjustment and ‘free’ market economic system.

It should also mentioned that in addition to authoritarian and coercive rule, the Ethiopian colonialism depended on an Oromo collaborationist agents that were essential to enforce Ethiopian colonialism. This second rate clique is merely an expandable appendage which devotes most of its energy to the scramble for the spoils of slavery, picking up the leftover in economic and political advantages. The main task of this class is to ensure the continuous supply of products and labour for the settlers. Of course this class was not always loyal to the Ethiopian colonial state (Jalata, 1993). Broadly speaking, the state itself is a battlefield for two exclusive claims to rule and political competition among the Ethiopian colonizers, the Amharas and Tigreans. In effect, this makes the Abyssinian colonizer politics effectively a zero-sum game and the very practice of politics become a negation of politics, i.e. politics are practiced with the inert ending of politics.

The Abyssinian rulers, who have inherited power used to believe that their interests were well served by depoliticising, muting and suppressing the Oromos and the Southern peoples’ quest for national-self determination under the guise of maintaining the unity of the Ethiopian empire. So they convinced themselves and tried to convince others that there were no serious socio-political differences and no basis for political opposition. Apoliticism has been elevated to the level of ideology while the political structures become ever more monolithic and authoritarian.

The political structures and political ideologies, which have been used to effect depoliticization and suppression, are all too familiar. The process entailed political repression, which the Oromos endured and suffered for more than a century. The implication of depoliticization is to deny the existence of differences, to disallow their legitimate expression and, therefore, to deny collective negotiation. Whatever the degree of repression, the process did not remove the differences. The ensuing popular frustration and resistance has led to even more repression. That is how political repression has become the most characteristic feature of the colonial political life and domination as its salient political relationship. All this means that political power becomes particularly important; so the struggle for it gets singularly intense.

In Abyssinian Colonial regime and psyche Seize power is supernatural and a magical axiom and power itself does not mean influence on policies but it means license over their colonial subjects. People have been so frightened and constricted by fear and indoctrination. Besides, they have been overwhelmed by deceptive rhetoric, crude, systematic misinformation, and hypocrisy, which made it virtually impossible to see through the situation and to form an intelligent judgement. The Abyssinian rulers including Tewodros, Menelik, Yohannes, Hailessilassie, Mengistu and Meles in resemble wanted an absolute power both on earth and heaven. All mobilised Abyssinian myth to enhance their cults. Loyalty and submission to them was being shrouded in an illusive appeal to be a good citizen. We heard and observed, childhoods dominated by a miasma of poverty, misery, starvation, with no shoes, slavery, slave soldier, premature and painful deaths. The power of the Abyssinian colonial empire has been not only absolute but also arbitrary, extraordinarily statist and hostile. It tightly controls every aspects of its subject’s economy. In the state where politics is driven by the calculus of power, everyone in arena only focused in the accumulation of power. Politics has been reduced to a singular issue of domination. It has never afloat restraint and dispensation. There have been regime changes within the empire but the new has accustomed to reproduce and reinforce the past. None of the the Ethiopian rulers including the present regime fundamentally had any firm interest in transformation , and all of them were only too alert that they could afford to broaden the social base of the state power. Power has been maintained by politicising and manipulating the Abyssinian myth and chauvinistic nationalism and depoliticisation of the occupied. In doing so, they engaged in weakening. They produced not only fanatical divisions within their own echelon but antagonism and exclusivity in society and . the solidarity of the oppressed at any price. It is so clear that such political condition has been profoundly hostile to development. The struggle for power within itself and to sustain the occupation of the oppressed majority has been so engrossing that everything else, including development must be sacrificed

The oppressed are exposed to all kinds of onslaught by state that is hardly subject to any constitutional or institutional fetters. The colonial power barred Oromos from engaging in their own industrial enterprises, export trade, domestic commercial venture, modern and relatively productive farm, private, free media, education and philanthropy etc. Unlike the Hobbes’s state, it is so backward, uncivil sing, further underdeveloping and essentially a military institution that imposes subordination and maintains colonial condition. In this context, it is more colonial and barbaric by the standard of other colonial experiences observed elsewhere in the Americas, Asia and other parts of Africa.

There are two major aspects in which this situation has severely thwarted Oromia’s development. The first enigma lies in the incompatibility between the pursuit of development and the crusade for survival, reproduction of the existing forms of social control and domination. The deleterious after-effect of this animosity is that it leads to misuse of human resources, inefficiency and corruption. Unquestionably, appointments into the positions of power, even when they are positions, which demand specialized knowledge, tend to be made by political criteria, particularly by regarding these appointments as part of survival strategy. Each time such appointment is being made, the friction between political survivals, economic efficiency and development crops up. The ruination to efficiency and development derives not only from the performance criteria and likely incompetence of the persons so assigned but also from the general demoralization of the technically qualified and competent people purveying under them who are often repressed and frustrated by their subjection to the surveillance and regulations of people who are powerful but inapt. Here lies the role of Ethiopian ministers and parastatals: incompetent personnel used to obstruct productive use of resources. Wasted are also competent people. They lose at both ends. In the midst of waste, the Oromos have been denied basic civil and political rights and the right to development. Alien leaders who channel the meagre resources into unproductive uses imposed the related economic problem, the very rights over which the people are fiercely struggling.

Development projects were initiated for wrong reasons; they may, on account of political considerations, be located in places where they are least beneficial both economically and socially. One could site familiar cases where important contracts and licenses have been given to politically significant people. Higher positions are created and new rule and regulations are established just to benefit people whose political support is considered important. Oromia pays for all these disservice. The Ethio-crats are overpaid and creating demoralizing disparities between reward and effort. That is how; the persistence of Ethiopian imperial and colonial domination is imperilling to the integral tenets of development.

Abyssinian academics and international development agencies offer many factors for the apparent failures and crises of development industry in the Abyssinian empire: lack of capital, lack of technology, entreprenuerial skills, corruption, poor planning and management, socialist system, lack of infrustracture, falling commodity prices, cyclical drought, unfavourable international terms of trade, low level of saving and investment. These factors and the long lists of related factor are undeniably crucial factors in development. However, we have to address the misleading assumption that has commonly been taken that there has been development failures and crises. The Oromia experience exhibits the terrible realites that development has never been on the agenda. The business of the politics of occupation has prevented the pursuit of development and the emergence of relevant and effective development paragims and programs.

The burning question is, can the people of Oromia try to trade, farm, imitate and innovate then develop their economy in this state of siege? The question is vital and congruous; but the answer is doubtful, as it is impractical. Development strategies as such are comprehensive programs of social transformation. They call for a great deal of ingenious management, confidence in the leadership and commitment. They require clarity of purpose for a society at large; they need social consensus especially on the legitimacy of the leadership. Yet these are not common features of an institution, which does not represent the society. Besides, development is about change and that change may not work to the survival of the colonial rulers. In this sense it runs against the instincts of the rulers whose preoccupation is to survive and maintain its dominant position. One of the most amazing things about development discourse in Ethiopian empire is how readily it is assumed that the rulers are interested in development particularly when they profess commitment to development and negotiate with international aid organizations for economic assistance. People making this assumption forget the primacy of maintaining colonial power and its conflict with other social and economic goals.

Why the Ethiopian rulers embark on a course of societal transformation just because it is good for the nations under its empire like Oromos if it is bad for their own survival?

The ideology of development has been adopted to grapping resources from external aid agencies. In the name of development people are forced to obedience and conformity. Billions of dollars was looted by tolitarian regime and its cliques. Structural adjustment, privatisation, liberalisation, investment, rural development, fertiliser for farmers and democratisation have been the slogans of Mele’s regime for the last 20 years. There have not been: appropriate political structure and practices, administrative system, institutional framework to conduct development in Abyssinian empire. There have been also failures by international development agencies that have taken the responsibilities of financing development and transferring resources ignoring the specificity and historicity of the Abyssinian empire. This has also exhibited the mounting anarchy of development studies and development practices that has been based on modernising paragim.

The Abysinian rulers and their elites, especially the Amharas regard the ideal characters of themselves as the end of evolution. The application of this evolutionary schema meant advancement is a matter of assimilating to Abysinian culture. Abyysinians have established the negative view of the Cushite people, institutions and their culture. The colonial regime discourages any belief in the integrity and validity of the Oromo society and have offered the notion that Oromos can find validity only in their total transformation, that is, in their total self-alienation. On practical level , the result has been frustrating.They have assaulted on Oromo governance (Gadaa), Oromo culture, Oromo religion (Waqeffannaa) and Oromo names.They have changed Oromo names to Amharic (e.g. Finfinnee changed to Addis Ababa). They assaulted on the use of Oromo language. They evicted Oromos from cities and towns. They instituted the negative image of the Cushite and the superiority of the Abyssinians. How people in such state of mind, behaviour and attitude pursue development? According to Claude Ake “Development requires changes on a revolutionary scale; it is in every sense a heroic enterprise calling for consummate confidence. It is not for people who do not know who they are and where they are coming from , for such people are unlikely to know where they are going,”(Ake, 1996, p. 16).

When we think of development, it is about society at large and the paradox is that it is often the leader who is not in a position to think of the objective interests of the society. For thinking in this way entails profound democratic commitment, which cannot usually be expected of such leaders. By virtue of their position, colonial rulers suffer the disadvantage of confusing what maintains the existing social order, which they dominate, and they are tendentiously suspicious of change; it is all the more so when it comes to fundamental changes.

Finally, we need to remember some of the implications of development with respect to alien colonial rulers. As it has already been mentioned, they have been more interested in taking advantage of the social order inherited from their predecessors rather than in transforming it. To all appearances, they are colonial rulers. Oromos have been oppressed and humiliated for over a century. The political history of the last hundred years of colonial rule of Oromia has vividly indicted that the Oromos lacked freedom; it means that they did not have control over the products of their labour, it means that their natural resources and environment were tarnished by others; and eventually it means that they witnessed chronic poverty, destitution, killing forces, the forces of abuse & alienation, human misery and less and less of humane life.

In these circumstances, it is not surprising that where development is pursued in Oromia, if at all, it is full of ambiguities and contradictions and it is just a mere posture. Even taking these postures on the face value, in so far as we are critical of development strategies in Oromia, our criticism runs in the direction of their sloppy conception and hence their failure to come to grips with sclerotic of imperial domination. If we raise the question of the contradiction between political survival and social transformation, we commence to behold that it is doubtful and equivocal where development is, or it has ever been, on the colonizers’ list for Oromia.

The other aspect of economic consequences of colonial domination has been militarism, which is but the outcome of over-valuing of political power. Associated with it is the intense struggle to obtain and keep it. Therefore, the politics of the empire is sustained by warfare and force than by consent. In this atmosphere, force is mobilized and deployed: the winners are anxious to take absolute power into their hands while the losers forgo not only power but also lose liberty and even life. As politics relies solely on force, the vocabulary and organization advocates coercion. For that matter, the Ethiopian empire is a political formation of armies in action and this is in itself a serious development problem. In an institution in which the political formations are organized as warring armies, differences are too wide and far, the scope for co-operation too limited; there is too much distrust; and life is too raw to nature commerce and industry in subject nations like Oromia. Currently, the militarism of life in general and politics in particular has reached its logical culmination in Ethiopian military rule and its negative consequences have wider regional implications. This too hinders the course of development not only in Oromia but also in entire North East Africa.

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Tags: Africa, African Conditions, African Studies, Development and Change, Economics, Oromia, Oromo People, The Nature of State and Development Issues, The Tyranny of Ethiopian Governance

Methodological Individualism as a development Model and its Critics

The orthodox (neoclassical) world view comprises research programmes that are basically concerned with applying the tenets of neoclassical economics to the study of developing economies. From such a perspective, the principles underlying the economics of developing economies are the same as, or can be considered extension of those governing the economics of developed nations. This implies that meaningful epistemological activities within the development economics cannot be conducted without first determining its inextricable intellectual and analytical ties to mainstream economics.

According to Rostow (1960), the critical intention of development has been seen as the achievement of ‘high mass consumption society’ that can be measured by the level of per capita income. In this context, the inherent aim of development seems to materialise a society that reproduce the political economic system of the western Europe and North America, i.e., a competitive private enterprise based on the foundations of free market economy and a representative and democratic political system. Rostow (1960) has detailed this historical process of development in his schema of stages-of- growth model. Charles K. Wilber (1988) argues that the application of this model as centre of assay of the course of development supposes that present day developing countries reckon to the ‘traditional society’ stage or at the ‘preconditions’ stage in relative to the present stages of western developed countries. Like so, the contemporary developed countries were formerly underdeveloped, hence, all countries progress in the course of these stages.

In the extreme, the Orthodox (Neoclassical) strand theorises that since principles of economics are universal, there is but one economics, whose basic tenets are equally valid for both developing and developed economies, David (1986). In other words, it is considered inappropriate to speak about two distinct economics- one for developed countries and the other for developing countries. In this case, the, the dominant interpretive model of thought is based on a ‘universalist’ epistemology or ‘one world’ ideology and ‘aesthetic’, which assumes the existence of a continuous and homogenous world, David (1986). Contextually, knowledge and society are viewed in terms of discrete individual elements that become the continuous and homogenous phenomena of economic and social life through a process of aggregation.

The neoclassical paradigm stands on universalist, rationalist and positivist methodological pillars. In addition to the influence of positivism and other rationalist patterns of reasoning, neoclassical economic thinking also makes heavy use of the concept ‘mechanical equilibrium’, which is explained by the self-regulating operation of equilibrating forces. Such forces, it is argued, not only tend to maintain equilibrium of the economic system but also to restore this equilibrium once it has been disturbed by external forces.

In its evolution, the concept of equilibrium has had to be based on some conception of the economic system. Accordingly, it was thought that the evolution of any logically consistent economic order required some institution of private property as well as a sharp conceptual distinction between the economic system and other aspects of social reality, David (1986). This led to an emphasis on capitalistic, free enterprises ethic based on the principle of individualism. In the conception, individuals are considered to be at liberty to organise their social relationships in accordance their own interests, cole, etal (1991). Society hence, becomes no more a collection of individuals, and an individual behaviour, the goal and standards of moral behaviour.

The neoclassical paradigm is based on individualistic and libertarian philosophy. The philosophy postulates that the ultimate constituents of society are individual people who act appropriately in accordance with their own dispositions. In other words, the argument is that no social tendency exists that theorising about classes and other activities can only be represented by mental constructs, which are abstract models for interpreting certain relations among individuals. One implication is that it is impossible to have laws about society. Another is that the good of individuals is primarily objective of society as opposed to the neo-Marxist which emphasis that of the society as whole, Cole etal (1991).

Economic models, theories, and conceptual systems should be considered as device that merely helps the analysts to remember certain predictive regularities in observed phenomena, David (1986).

A related implication follows from the widespread acceptance of the “science as science” methodology. These are based on the claim that search for knowledge should be governed by scientific objectivity and the commitment to universal values that cut across national frontiers. Adherence to universal epistemological principles implies that there are common standards of scholarship and, as others argued there cannot be Chinese, Nigerian or Egyptian criteria for truth and validity. Commercial farms can be nationalised, criteria for truth cannot.

The universality epistemology finds a foremost representation in the study of resource allocation. The underlying principle that all societies must make decisions about the degree of sacrifice that must be made if resources must be allocated efficiently. This is based on the assumption of the universal scarcity of resources relative to human needs. Given scarce resources, it is impossible to satisfy all of the society’s goals simultaneously. Therefore, if scarce resources are to be efficiently utilised, they must be properly allocated. The possibility of deriving meaningful benefits from the use of these resources is therefore forecasted upon the nature of sacrifice. The problem of economic decision making in conventional economics is therefore coined in terms of a “cost-benefit” calculus. The neo-classical approach to this problem emphasise the need for rational choice in the use of scarce resources. The basis of this approach is that if the alternatives presented to us are not rationally chosen, resource scarcity is likely to increase within the passage of time, hence, impairing current standards of living and decreasing the possibility for future economic growth, David (1986). In this regard, the neo-classical, explanation of economic behaviour tends to rely heavily on competitive equilibrium, which assumes that the behaviour of free markets and prices provides the necessary conditions for individual economic agents to achieve maximum economic welfare and personal liberty, Todaro (1991)|.It is based on the methodological individualism mentioned previously, the implication being that individual economic decision-making units (household), firms, national governments, and so on)| are free and rational actors whose behaviour is guided by harmonious equilibrating force, David (1986)|.

The whole economy is assumed to consist of a large number of interacting markets that have a tendency to clear, that is, reach equilibrium, with the latter defined in terms of equality between demand and supply, and price. (These conditions are assumed to take place for individual markets, that is, partial equilibrium, or in other aspects where there is a set of relative prices for all goods and services, resulting in a simultaneous clearing of all markets that is general equilibrium. Given the quantities of resources of all kinds available to economic agents, consumer tastes and preferences, and production technology, the problem of general equilibrium revolves around the determination of the relative quantities of goods of all kind that will be produced and consumed, the prices at which they will be exchanged and how the earnings derived from resource utilisation will be distributed, Cole et al (1991)|.

Income distribution is thus treated as a special case of the general theory of price relations. The over all argument is that it is possible for self-interested individuals in a market-oriented economy to strive for and receive, their fair share of income and wealth created by the competitive process. In this context, the neo-classical model indicates that the marginal productivity forms the basis for payments to all factors of production. The assumption is that individuals have at their disposal a set of factors endowments and that income merely represents the sum of the product of these factors and their marginal products. The evolution of factor shares and incomes over times thus depends on factor prices and quantities, the elasticity of substitution among factors, changes in demand patterns, and the capital or labour savings bias of technological change.

It is therefore assumed that, given completive conditions and perfect information, resources will be efficiently allocated. Adjustment in factors prices are expected to bring equality in factor shares, with each factor receiving its ‘just’ or equitable reward. Under the circumstances, any attempt to enforce equality in the prevailing pattern of income distribution is considered inimical to economic growth and efficiency. To the extent that inequalities exist, they should be considered necessary for guarantying productivity levels, David (1986)|.

The implications of the marginal productivity theory of income distribution can be further explained by considering the distribution of labour and capital incomes. In the case of returns to the human factor (wage and salaries), the theory suggests that differences in marginal productivities can be explained by differences in both innate and acquired abilities. These differences tend to be particularly acute in those societies, for example, developing economies where highly skilled labour is in short supply relative to the large supply of unskilled labour. The argument, as is that individuals with relatively scarce skills would receive quasi-rents. These rents and other payment differences would disappear as more people acquired skill through education and training, David (1986). Hence, they argue that any attempt to equalise wages and salaries would prove to be inefficient. The implicit assumption is that pay differentials not only reward those with superior natural abilities but also serve as an incentive to those not so blessed to acquire skills to increase their productivity and efficiency, Hunt (1989). Given a set of competitive prices, the actions and reactions of individual economic agents will determine the quantities of goods and services demanded, and these will be matched with the quantities supplied in the various markets of the economy, David (1986). The achievement of such an over all equilibrium requires two sets of conditions. First, these is a subjective one in which the individual pursues the goal of maximum income satisfaction. The second is an objective one in which the market provides for these incomes and wants based on the maximum profit goals of business people. Thus, through the equilibrium between demand and supply, with all markets cleared, the optimum economic position reached by each individual economic agent becomes compatible with that attained by others.

The general equilibrium analysis (Varian, 1990) postulates that, in principle, the set of equilibrium prices tend to provide all the information that each individual economic agent needs to have in order to be able to co-ordinate its activities with those of all other economic agents in the economic system, Cole et al (1991). It is therefore, based on the assumptions of perfect competition and knowledge and foresight, and the absence of uncertainty. This ensures that the essential adjustments would take place of a disequilibrium situation were to arise. Where prices diverge from their equilibrium values, inconsistencies will arise in the plans economic agents, and they will be forced to adjust to an equilibrium situation. The underlying assumption is that the operation of the market is based on a negative feedback mechanism that reduces differences to zero through iterative price adjustment processes are also assumed to be stable. This means that once the system diverges from its equilibrium with a process of automatic readjustment would take place. Full employment is also implicitly assumed. With demand for goods and services equal to their supply, labour market will also clear. Neoclassicals consider this equilibrium to be the most efficient one, and thus the standard against which particular sectors of the economy as a whole should be appraised. The reasoning is that when over all economic agent will have reached an ‘optimal position’, that is, one that it cannot possibly improve by altering its behaviour. This is the ideal state described by Pareto and also known as a Pareto efficient allocation. It is considered to be the most efficient state and implies that any attempt made to improve a given economic agent’s position would have to be at someone else’s expense (David, 1986, Varian, 1990).

The general framework outlined above is also replicated in analysis of international economic relationships. In this case, trade and exchange are considered to be two of the most effective weapons for promoting resources allocation, distribution, and growth. This follows from assumptions of harmony of interests among nation states, patterns of trade based on comparative advantage, an equitable distribution of the gains from trade, and the free international flow of resources. The same normative forces are assumed to operate both nationally and internationally, with the private market considered to be the most effective mechanism for allocating distributing resources in all spheres, Hunt (1989|).

Consequently, the neoclassical (orthodox) school of thought attribute problems of developing economies essentially to the ‘dirigiste dogma’ and the ‘denial of economic principle’ (Lal, 1988); to over extension of the public sector; to economic controls which distorts the market and have unexpected and undesirable side effects; and to an over emphasis on investment in physical capital (spending on lavish prestige projects such as sport facilities, conference centres, brand new capital city, roads leads to nowhere, irrigation schemes that damage soil) compared to human capital. And they have proposed these setbacks to be neutralised to overcome inadequate development, Toye (1987). They took the form of supply side macro-economics and the privatisation of public corporations and call for the dismantling of public ownership, planning, and regulation of economic activities. By permitting free markets to flourish, privatising state owned enterprises, promoting free trade and export expansion, welcoming foreign investors, and eliminating the plethora of government regulations and price distortions in factor, product and financial markets, the neoclassical argue that economic efficiency and economic growth will be stimulated, Wilber (1988). Contrary to the claims of the political economy strands (neo- Marxist world views) which are subjects of subsequent discussions, the neoclassicals (Orthodox) argue that the third world are underdeveloped not because of the predatory activities of first world and the international agencies that it controls, but rather because of the heavy hand of the state and corruption, inefficiency, and lack of economic incentives, Todaro (1991).

It is assumed that development experience of western industrial countries is a model for the developing economies of today and therefore, neoclassical economics is universally applicable. It is held that the international capitalist economy does not discriminate against developing economies, but when conformed to it acts as an engine or motor of growth. What is needed, therefore, is not a reform of the international economic system or restructuring of dualistic developing economies or an increase in foreign aid or attempts to control population growth or amore effective central planning system. Rather, it is simply a matter of promoting free markets and laissez faire economics within the context of permissive government that allow the magic of market forces. And the “invisible hand” of market prices to guide resource allocation and stimulate economic development, Todaro (1991). They are quoting to us the failures of the public interventionist economies of African countries, Toye (1987).

Neoclassical policy is based on faith in the price mechanism to bring about an equilibrium in the economy which maximises welfare and growth, (i.e. development by their terms), “Efficient growth… raises the demand for unskilled workers by getting the prices right… is probably the single most important means of alleviating poverty,” Lal (1983). This process of development raises the standard of living of the poor via the ‘trickle down’ effect. Intervention by the government is unnecessary as a measure to alleviate poverty and would retard growth by distorting the market mechanism, holding up sustainable development. According to Lal, government policies dealing with basic needs, surplus labour, decreasing terms of trade, etc., are misleading and incorrect. He argues that developing countries are following the same economic patterns of development as developed countries. Therefore, the same economic rules and considerations apply. Both he and Bauer criticise ‘dirigistes’ for implying, by their policies, that people of developing countries are not rational that the ‘market decisions’ have to be made for them. That would suggest Toye’s argument- governments fulfilling the desires of frustrating individuals has some validity. Being rational does not necessarily make people able. It is within this context that the planning, growth with equity approach and a social market economy operation have come into considerations. However, such interventionist approach have been criticised by laissez faire economists as a reaction to far a recipe to failure. Lal (1988) points out that inefficient and incompetent bureaucracy as a cause of government failure. Attempts to intervene in imperfect markets serves to make things even further from the equilibrium of maximum efficiency and welfare. This is an over-sight, a generalisation which dismisses all past, present and future government intervention to make influence on disparities in income and accelerate development, as ineffective. This is clearly not the case.

The rapid development of South Korea and Taiwan in both intervening for growth and equity demonstrate this. Government policies concentrated on rural development, export oriented industrialisation were directly and indirectly dealing with inequality and poverty whilst promoting growth. It would be argued that all government intervention is not good. As is clear, some government intervention is and has bee ill advised- for example ‘the white elephants.’

But what is also becoming increasingly apparent is that the neo-liberal (Washington consensus) policies of liberalisation which the IMF and World Bank have made conditions for accepting loans have also created many problems. Not only have they quite often caused increasing inequalities in income distribution, but they have also failed to encourage growth in these countries. In many countries they have led to near chaos and crisis, in the economy as in many African countries, Lawrence (1986). External influences, such as increasing oil prices, MNC transfer pricing, increase in debt burdens, increased protectionism by developed economies, etc, mean that following free market principles lead to decreasing terms of trade and created economic problems within the countries. D. Lal (1983) would say that this is acceptable because it is a step in the right direction towards free market economies. Toye (1987) believes the neoclassical approach neglects the issues and treats and treats the solutions, In a reductionist manner, over looking the complexity of the issues and gives an over simplified solution.” Lack of past successes cannot simply be blamed on government interference with the price mechanism to account for the relatively poor performance of these economies would require a very detailed historical analysis of class forces and class struggle within these countries, of the effects of international strategic and geo-political factors as well as the effects of drought other climatic/ecological disasters, Sender et al (1986).

Neoclassical according to Sender and Smith, have paid too much attention to anti-interventionism- when it would be more beneficial to concentrate on improving what intervention is necessary. It is harmful for economists to adhere to policies which can only be relevant in a hypothetical ‘perfect market’ economy. The post- colonial period has been characterised by an astonishing absence of any coherent, analytical/ideological framework within which to formulate state intervention of an effective and suitable kind,” Sender et al (1986). Neo-classicalists need to address the conclusive historical evidence concerning the role of the state in all late industrialising countries in considering policy formulation.

The laissez faire economists edge on economic growth through the operation of the market mechanism (Adam Smith’s the famous invisible hand) as the key to development. There are also economists who emphasised planning (government intervention) to supplement or supplant the market. As in the former, the latter and economic growth has been taken as the essential of development. Meanwhile, the growth with equity economists contemplate on the distribution of the remunerations of growth to the deprived.

Neo-Marxist and dependency theorist, two main school of thoughts in the Political economy paradigm, are broadly apprehensive of the nature of the progression by which development is attained, Wilber (1988).

Classical Marxism was always, of course, a theory of development, i.e., of capitalism and its development, and transition to socialism. The theory was never adequate, however, in dealing with development problems of third world especially underdevelopment issues. Classical Marxists, after all, consider capitalism as historically progress, in every way an advanced over previous production systems, even if it is to be replaced by socialism one day. “ Imperialism was the means by which techniques, culture, and institutions that had evolved in western Europe over several centuries… sowed their revolutionary seeds in the rest of the world,” Warren (1980).

Seers (1987) argued that Marxism thus arrived at conclusions similar to those of many neoclassical economists, since both derived from Smith and Ricardo and the economics of the 19th century. He further pointed out that both doctrines assume competitive markets and the overriding importance material incentives. They are both basically internationalist and also optimistic, technocratic and economist. In particular, both treat economic growth as development and due primarily to capital accumulation.

According to Hunt (1989), the neo-Marxist paradigm derives from an attempt to develop and adapt classical Marxist theory to the analysis of underdeveloped economies. The paradigm gained widespread influence in the late 1960’s, providing an ideological and analytical framework for radical critiques of contemporary theories. Drawing their inspiration from the ideas of Marx and Lenin, and influenced also by other early Marxists, particularly Rosa Luxemburg, the neo-Marxists set out to investigate a problem that Marx himself had touched on only briefly- the process of economic change in the economies of Asia, Africa and Latin America.

With respect to the third world, the primary concern of the neo-Marxists is with what is happening to national output and to its distribution, and why. Particularly in the 1950s and 1960s there was little concern on the part of leading neo-Marxists to explore the essential nature of the models of production that prevail within the periphery. Instead the emphasis was on the economic and political relations between the ‘centre’ and the ‘periphery.’ In the analysing these issues the neo-Marxists use a terminology for the key concepts in their analytical framework that appears to drive from Marxism with different interpretation to certain concepts.

The neo-Marxist school which is tracing back to the work of Paul Baran, differs from Marx in arguing that capitalism will not be spread from the ‘centre’ to the ‘periphery’ but rather that existing underdevelopment is an active process linked to the development of the centre by the transfer of the surplus, Baran (1957, 1988). As economic surplus was extracted, capital accumulation stopped, and budding industries were killed off by ‘centre’ competition. Development in colonies was forced off its natural course and completely dominated by imperial interests. The colonies stagnated between feudalism and capitalism or the mix of both systems.

For Baran (1957) the real problem in developing economies is not the presence of the vicious circle- a phenomenon whose existence is acknowledged – but the lack of a significant stimulus to development aggravated by the surplus drain. Here again we have a polar view she said, something like a zero-sum game, in which the continuing primitive accumulation by the ‘centre’ implies a simultaneous negative accumulation for the periphery. Surplus then, generate and maintain underdevelopment in the developing economies, a phenomenon whose existence is acknowledged – but the lack of a significant stimulus to development aggravated by the surplus drain. As Frank (1988) (dependency scholar) has called this leads to “the development of underdevelopment.”

Amin, too, adopts Frank’s Motto, but with an altered meaning; for Amin, it means a “dependent development,” that, is, an inappropriate pattern of growth imposed upon the country through its ties with the centre- literally, through its being included in the world capitalist system. This view in turn allows for the possibility of growth aggregate income, an observed fact in many developing economies, Hunt (1989).

The crucial problem of how the available surplus is utilised in developing economies leads the political economy worldview to the examination of local elites. Writers like Baran and Sweezy argue that no local development is to be expected from such elites. On the contrary, the elites are by their very nature a factor contributing to underdevelopment. The analysis is based on the “objective function” in which these elites find themselves. Their economic behaviour- conspicuous consumption, investments in real estate and extreme risk aversion, the export of their savings to be deposited with foreign banks for security, their avoidance of investments in industry- is, from the sand point of private advantage, essentially a rational response to the circumstances in which they find themselves. Their fear of foreign competition where they to invest in more productive activities is seen as fully justified. They argued that most elite members lack the capital retained for the establishment of enterprises able to compete with foreign oligopolies. Also lacking are entrepreneurial skills and attitudes to work and innovation conducive to growth, see Wilber (1988).

Amin offers the view that many members of the developing economies elites profit, too; from foreign activities in their country. What enables Amin to say this is his adoption of Emmanuel’s theory of unequal exchange, in which the level of wages is the major determining factor. That wages are lower in developing economies means that the labour force of these countries carries the burden of exploitation both by its local capitalist class and by the capitalist class at the centre. It is burdened by the “regular” exploitation of the home capitalists and the “primitive accumulation” of the capitalist class at the centre. The higher wages that the centre’s working class enjoys are in turn attributed not solely to its higher productivity; it does not partake of the proceeds of the continuing primitive accumulation, Todaro (1991).

That there is also a disheartening lack of entrepreneurial and administrative talent in the countries of the third world that the neo-Marxists do not deny. But they view those who place this fact at the centre of their explanations of underdevelopment as being eclectic and arbitrary. The claim that entrepreneurial and administrative skills will make their utilisation possible and necessary appears- conditions that cannot exist in an environment of dependence. This problem, they claim, is secondary: It is consequence of the fundamental problem, which is the discouragement and systematic sabotaging (or, for Amin, the guiding into incorrect path), of the local development efforts by the centre, Todaro (1991).

They recognise the existence of a ‘comprador states’ or class and bourgeoisie classes in developing countries but they maintain that their positions are solely dependent on the advantages they give to an imperialist power- not exist in their own right.

So the main consideration for government intervention would be, for neo-Marxists, the ability to make a complete and absolute change “the third world was and is an integral and destined to play a major role in the attempt of capital in the world capitalist economy to stem and reverse the tide of growing economic crisis, “Frank (1981, 1988). This is manifested in increasing repression of the workforce in developing countries, not increasing equality, or alleviating poverty. So in order to achieve sustainable development with equality it would be necessary for a developing country to withdraw from the world capitalist system. The present system only maintains present inequalities due to the interest characteristic of capitalism. They would advocate complete autarky facilitated by a socialist movement.

Generally, the political economy school advocate equity oriented development. The fundamental assumptions of this perspective regarding capitalism and international capitalist economy are essentially opposite to those of neo-classical economists. They not only believe that international capitalist economy discriminates against developing economies, but that is directly responsible for their dire condition. Thus any solution to the poverty predicament requires a fundamental break from the international capitalist economy. A distinction here, more for historical relevance than for the logic of the argument should be made between neo-Marxian and the Marxian of Marx, with (Marx) essentially regarded the capitalist commodity production process as progressive, in that it was required for the realisation of the ultimate inevitable tools of communism. Thus, capitalism for Marx is a necessary phase of societal change. Furthermore, for Marx the capital commodity production process is universally applicable.

The other fundamental disagreement these theorists have with neo-classical school concerns ethics. Equity, for these theorists is an ethical ideal, an end by itself. The logical extreme of this view is that equality must remain the primary objective, even at the cost of efficiency.

It is argued by this perspective that it is contrary to the interests of the international capitalist commodity process, which is essentially and exclusively concerned with maximisation of profit, to redistribute wealth. Instead of a y ‘trickle -dawn’ tendencies, the inner- logic of capitalism with only lead to greater accumulation, and concentrate of wealth. Thus, it is imperative for any comprehensive development effort to break with the internationalist political economy. Since weak political position of the poor prevents them from changing the system, empowering the poor becomes the means to meaningful development. These theorists contend that attacking the symptoms of poverty with basic needs provisions, or welfare laws will not suffice, it is crucial to attack its cause. The answer is the empowerment of the poor.

The general tendency is towards the satisation of the modes of production, at least those sectors of the economy that are essential to the public goods. Thus, only the intervention of a populist state, resulting on the commanding heights of the economy can restructure the relations of production that benefit not a privileged few, but the unprivileged many.

This perspective defining the ‘left’ contours of the continuum in its logical extreme are diametrically contradicts the neo-classical perspectives.The obvious point of departure on the debate on development between the neo-classical and the political economy strands must be a definition of development. This is inescapably a normative exercise, but one that should not be avoided for this the reason. Development, by the very meaning of the word, can only be a process of the ‘becoming’. The argument holds regardless of whether the tendencies are rectilinear, cyclical or both (or neither). According to orthodox school sometimes implicitly and sometimes explicit value judgement in the definition of development has been westernised. This tendency has been challenged by the ‘development of another civilisation in East Asia, that is quickly achieving standard of living comparable to the west. One conclusive inference that can be drawn from the experience of Japan, China and the Asian Tigers is that a protestant ethic or generally a western social arrangement or socialist revolution of neo-Marxist is not a prerequisite for economic development.

http://rodrik.typepad.com/dani_rodriks_weblog/2013/05/what-is-wrong-and-right-in-economics.html

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